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VOL. 11 







Sir Alan Burns, G.C.M.G. 


Professor E. G. R. Taylor, D.Sc. 
J. A. Williamson, Esq., D.Lit. J. N. L. Baker, Esq., M.A., B.Litt. 

Professor D. B. Quinn 


W. E. D. Allen, Esq., F.S.A. (1961) J. W. S. Marr, Esq. (1960) 
K. R. Andrews, Esq., Ph.D. (1958) G. P. B. Naish, Esq. (1960) 
Professor C. F. Beckingham (1958) Royal Geographical Society (General 
Professor C. R. Boxer, F.B.A. (1960) Sir James Marshall-Cornwall) 
EilaM.J. Campbell, MA. (1958) Lieut.-Cdr D. W. Waters, R.N. 
G. R. Crone, Esq., M.A. (1961) (1959) 

E. S. de Beer, Esq., D.Litt. (1961) Sir Richard Winstedt, K.B.E., 
Professor G. S. Graham (1960) C.M.G., F.B.A. (1959) 

Professor C. C. Lloyd (1958) D. P. J. Wood, Esq., Ph.D. (1959) 

Sir Harry Luke, K.C.M.G., D.Litt. 


J. N. L. Baker, Esq., M.A., B.Litt. E. W. Bovill, Esq., F.S.A. 
Sir Gilbert Laithwaite, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., K.C.I.E., C.S.I., Hon. LL.D. 


F. B. Maggs, Esq. 


R. A. Skelton, Esq., B.A., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S., 
British Museum, London, W.C.i 


Australia: G. D. Richardson, Esq. Canadá: Professor J. B. Bird 

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PlAte VIII. The Observatory at Peking in 1673 





J)orr))n ¿teí F¿rna-S)¿/é *^ A/a. v¿l r~r¿ 

Publisbed for the Hakluyt Society 



Bentley House, 200 Euston Road, London, N.W.i 
American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New York 22, N.Y. 
WestAfrican Office: P.O. Box 33, Ibadan, Nigeria 



Printed in Great Britain 
by Robcrt MacLebose and Compatiy Limited 
at tbe University Press Glasgow 


Ulustrations and Maps page vii-viii 

Ahhreviations Used ix-x 

Chapter x 1 1. My Stay at Fo Ngan, till I went up to Che 

Kiang 165 
XIII. My Journey to Che Kiang, and stay there till 

the Persecution 182 
xiv. My Journey to the Imperial City, and Resi- 

dence there 197 
xv. The Ardeles our Chínese Enemy, who rais'd 
the Persecution, charg'd upon our Holy 
Faith 246 
xvi. My Departure from Cantón to Macao 250 
xvii. Of the City Macao, its Situation, Strength, 

and Other Particulars 260 
xviii. My Voyage to Malaca, and Stay there 279 
xix. My Voyage from Malaca, as far as Madrasta 

Patán 287 
xx. My Stay at Madrastapatan 297 
xxi. My Journey to Golconda 3°5 
xxii. My Stay at Golconda, and Journey to 

Musulapatan 313 

xxiii. My Stay at Musulapatan 3 22 

xxiv. My Voyage to Surat, and other remarkable 
Occurrences 327 

xxv. My Stay at Soali, and setting out again for 

France 338 

xxvi. My Stay at Madagascar, or the Island of S. 
Laurence 347 

xxvii. My Departure from the Island Madagascar 354 
xxviii. My Stay in Lisbon, and Journey to Ro me 366 


xxxi. Some things added relating to what has been 

alreadywrit page 379 



I. Cantón : Internment and Flight 413 

11. Navarrete and Pallu 425 

ni. Navarrete and Cony 433 
iv. The projected title-page of the Controversias as set 

out in Navarrete' s hand 435 
v. The publisher's projected title-page for the Contro' 

versias 436 
vi. The publisher's preface to the projected edition of 

the Controversias 437 

Bibliograpby 439 

Index 451 




VIII. The Observatory at Peking in 1673 frontispiece 
Engraving by Melchior Haffner, in F. Verbiest, SJ, 
Astronomía Europaea (1687). Showing the instruments 
installed by Verbiest: (foreground) celestial globe and 
armillary spheres; (background) horizon circle, quadrant 
and sextant 

ix. Procession of a Chínese Viceroy faángpagex 
Engraving after A. Humblot, in J. B. du Halde, Descrip' 
tion . . . de l'Empire de la Chine (Paris, 1735), 11 

x. Punishment by the bastinado 194 
Engraving in A. Montanus, Atlas Chinensis . . . English'd 
by John Ogilby (London, 1671) 

xi. Chínese using trained cormorants in ííshing 198 

xii. Chínese snaring ducks 199 
Engravings in J. B. du Halde, Description . . . de l'Empire 
de la Chine (Paris, 1735), n 

xiii. View of Peking in the seventeenth century 212 

Engraving in A. Montanus, Atlas Chinensis (London, 

xiv. Father Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ, in the robes of a 
Chínese official, with his sextant and celestial globe 213 

Colour print by the Japanese artist Utagawa Kuniyoshi 

xv. A Chínese funeral 244 

'The manner of the Funerals in the Province of Quantun'. 
Engraving in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, IV 
(London, A. and J. Churchill, 1704) 

xvi. Cantón in the seventeenth century 256 

xvii. Macao in the seventeenth century 257 
Views in a MS atlas by Johannes Vingboons (nos. 42, 
65), drawn c. 1660. Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague 

xviii. Santo Domingo in the seventeenth century 399 
View in a MS atlas by Johannes Vingboons (no. 51), 
drawn c. 1660. Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague 


Plates II, III, vi-xv are reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of 
the British Museum; Plates v, xvi-xviii by courtesy of the 
Director, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, and of Messrs 
Martinus NijhofT, The Hague. 


Fig. 4. Mouth of the Pearl River page 251 

5. India and South-East Asia jacing page 280 

6. Island of Santo Domingo or Hispaniola page 399 


(For fuller bibliographical details, see the Bibliography) 

ACTA Acta capitulorum Provinciae S. Rosara. 

AFH Archivum Franciscanum Historicum (Quaracchi, 1 908-). 

AFP Analecta Fratrum Praedicatorum (Rome, 1893-). 

AGI Archivo general de Indias, Seville. 

AGN Archivo general de la nación, México City. 

AGS Archivo general de Simancas. 

AHN Archivo histórico nacional, Madrid. 

AHSI Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu (Rome, 1932-). 

AJUDA Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon. 

AME Archives du Séminaire des Missions Etrangéres de 

AOPM Archivum Ordinis Praedicatorum, Manila. 

APF Archivum S. Cong. de Propaganda Fide, Rome. 

AROP Archivum Romanum Ordinis Praedicatorum, 

ARSI Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Rome. 

BAGN Boletin del archivo general de la nación, Dominican 

BEM Boletim eclesiástico da diocese de Macau. 

BHS Bulletin of Hispanic Studies. 

BM British Museum, London. 

BNM Biblioteca nacional, Madrid. 

BNP Bibliothéque Nationale, París. 

BVE Biblioteca Vittorio-Emmanuele, Rome. 

C Navarrete's Controversias. 

CASA Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome. 

CE Catholic Encyclopedia. 

DNB Dictionary of National Biography. 

D TC Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique. 

EESS Embajada de España cerca de la Santa Sede. 

EF The English Faetones in India, 1 61 8-69. 

EF(NS) The English Factories in India, New Series, 16JO-84. 


'Ends' MS of the unprinted conclusión of Navarrete's 

FF Ferrando and Fonseca. 

GOA Arquivo histórico do Estado da India Portuguesa, 

HMC Historical Manuscripts Commission, London. 
IOL India Office, London. 

JHI Journal of the History of Ideas. 

JMBRAS Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Roy al Asiatic 

JRAS Journal of the Roy al Asiatic Society. 
JSBRAS Journal of the Straits Branch of the Roy al Asiatic 

MH Missionalia Hispánica. 

NZM Neue Zeitschriftfür Missionswissenschaft. 

R Navarrete's 'Ratificación'. 

RAH Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. 

REC Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias. 

RHM Revue d'Histoire des Missions. 

S.Dgo. MSS referring to the Audiencia of Santo Domingo 
in AGI. 

SinFran Sínica Franciscana (edd. A. van den Wyngaert and 

G. Mensaert OFM, Quaracchi, 1936-). 
T Navarrete's Tratados. 

VAT The Vatican Archives. 

ZMR Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissen' 


Pl ate IX. Procession of a Chínese Viceroy 



1. During the forty days I travel'd, I never saw any more than 
three Women, either in Towns, upon the Road, or at the Inns. 
One as I went through a Village, another on the Road, and 
another at a distance from me near a Town. Among us it will 
seem incredible, among them it will seem too much that I saw 

2. The Town, or as others cali it, City, of Fo Ngan, is very re- 
nown'd in the Province of Fo Kien ; it suffer'd much upon the 
coming in of the Tartars, twice they took it, and twice the Chineses 
beat them out, the third time the latter submitted. The Tartars 
capitulated to hurt no Man, drew up their Army, and then 
order'd all that bore Arms to appear; they did so, and 14000 of 
them were destroy'd. The fírst of them was a good Christian, and 
very Learned Man, who was a Commander. The Tartar had a 
good opinión of him, and he would have been prefer'd had he 
submitted at the fírst. A Soldier as he was going to make his 
appearance before the Tartars, had some business, and said to a 
Townsman 'I am busy at present, do you appear for me, and here 
is a Ryal (six Pence*) for you to drink.' He did so and was put to 
death, the other escap'd ; it was very fortúnate for the one, and very 
unlucky in the other. 

3. Liu Chung Zao [Liu Chung-tsao; d. 1649], the Chínese 
General, a Man of great Learning, and brave, finding himself in 
distress during the Siege resolv'd to poison himself and he invited 
some Friends to do the same, among them the Christian I spoke 
of above, whose ñame was John Mieu. They all excus'd them- 
selves, and he took the Poison alone, dy'd in his Chair of State, 
where the Tartars found him sitting, and leaning against a Table. 



They made many obeisances to the dead Body, and extol'd his 
Loyalty, since he chose to die rather than to deliver up the City 
to an Enemy. 

4. In one of those Sieges the Venerable Friar Francis de Capillas, 
of the Monastery of St Paul of Valladolid, and born at Villa- 
querin de Campos, suffer'd Martyrdom. I saw the place where 
they cut off his Head, and kiss'd the Ground. His Cause [of 
Beatification] now lies before the Holy Congregation of Rites at 
Rome. <In my time the news of that happy Death reached Manila 
with the Report of it written by Friar John García ; it was decided 
to sing a Te Deum and the Cathedral Chapter and the members 
of the Religious Orders were invited to take part; all carne to our 
Monastery to do so except only the Jesuit Fathers who excused 
themselves saying that they had received a letter from their Father 
Gouvea in Fo Kien which presented the Affair in a different 
Light. [C 6 4 2]!> 

It was in Fo Ngan that my Order had its first Church in China. 
Here they sow'd the Seed of the Word, and did, and still do reap 
a plentiful Harvest. What relates to this Particular is being written 
in our History, so I will proceed, but shall say something more in 
the Second Volume. 2 

5. I was there told a very remarkable Story, which is as folio ws: 
when Liu Chung Zao, whom we mentioned before, was going 
to fíght the Tartars, a Misioner [Father Martini, SJ] attended him 
with the Title of Mandarine of the Gun-Powder. 3 He took up his 
Quarters at our Church, where he had the best entertainment 

1 The Blessed Francisco Fernández de Capillas, OP, Dominican protomartyr of 
China, died on 15 January 1648 (Fernández, 154-5). I do not know the nature of 
the Jesuits' objection, but presumably they would in any case be reluctant to recog- 
nize a friar-martyr in China. 

2 By 'our History' is meant friar Riccio's Hechos which was then awaiung 

3 For a discussion of Martini's mandarinate, see B. Biermann, ' War Martin 
Martini chinesischer Mandarín?', NZM, xi (1955), 221-5. Navarrete had no 
objection to missionaries holding Mandarín or other ranks, but considered Military, 
Judicial, and Mathematical Mandarinates inappropriate for various reasons 
(C 51, 60-1). Non-Jesuits sometimes held Mandarín rank : e.g. Bishop Lamben de 
la Motte in Siam (C 61) ; and friar Vittorio Riccio (Blair, xxxvi, 227). At C 26 
Navarrete relates how Father Martini made cannon and he does not refrain from 
reporting that the leather breech of some of these blew up; see also R 55. 



they could give him. The Father-Mandarine being so great, and 
those friars of my Order so poor, the Infidels began to doubt 
whether he and they were both Europeans. To clear this Doubt, it 
was resolv'd that a friar and the Jesuit-Mandarine should meet 
in some publick place, and talk together. The time and place 
were appointed and Friar Francis Diaz, a worthy Missioner and 
Labourer in God's Vineyard, got up early, and travel'd afoot two 
Leagues of very bad way. He was cloth'd in Cotton, not in Silk, 
and carne sweating to the place appointed, where the other was 
in great state in his Sedan and with Attendants like a Mandarine. 1 
Our Frier faced him ; and when the Father Mandarine saw him 
from his Sedan in that garb, and without Servants, 'he despis'd 
him', [2 Kings vi. 16] and went on his way without taking any 
notice of him, leaving the friar out of countenance in the presence 
of a thousand Lookers on, and of some Christians who had 
expected by that means to have gain'd Credit and Honour to 
their Spiritual Fathers. Afterwards a good Christian ask'd the 
Father Mandarine, how it carne he had put so great an AíFront 
upon the Dominican Father and he answer'd, 'Why should I 
go out of my Sedan Chair to pay a Complement to a Man in that 
garb?' 2 

6. Another time the Chínese General spoke ill of us Friers in the 
hearing of that Mandarine Missioner, and of a Chínese Christian 
[Joachim]. The reason the General had for it was because a 
Concubine of his had left him, and was become a Christian. The 
Father, hearing what the Infidel said, and perceiving he bore us 

1 Friar Juan García described him as travelling 'with banners and spears, with 
muskets and other insignia, dressed in the silken robe with a golden dragón em- 
broidered on the breast' (Biermann, Die Anfange, 77) ; on die Military Mandarins' 
robes see Magalháes, 300, and also S. Cammann, 'Presentation of Dragón Robes 
by Ming and Ch'ing Courts for Diplomatic Purposes', Sinológica, ni (1953). 

2 Navarrete would have found this story easy to believe, since he himself was 
snubbed publicly on another occasion : ' We were resüng in the Heat of the Day in a 
Bonzes's Temple both Fair and Neat and where we were treated with every 
Courtesy, when some people passed near where we were and a certain Person 
among them turned to them and then looking at us said, "Oh, these Friars !" and 
with a Moüon of the Countenance such that to say the truth we were made 
asham'd. We answer'd only with a profound Silence' ('Ends', f. 47v). The con- 
text shows the 'certain Person' to have been a Jesuit. 



friars ill-will, said 'Sung Ta Men Ki Pa\ which is as much as if 
in our Language he had said, 'Turn them out of the Kingdom, 
and let them be gone.' The Infidel arch'd his Brows and the 
Christian, amaz'd, fix'd his eyes on the Father. Observe how those 
Heathen us'd me, and how one Missioner uses another. 1 In short 
'The Potter hates the Potter'. Notwithstanding all this, that Jesuit 
Father afterwards desir'd our Friers to procure him a faithful 
Christian Servant to wait upon him, and they got him one whom 
he took back into Europe where he made him pass for a Gentle- 
man and an able Physician. The Jesuit and he were together in 
Rome and the Father forbade the Chínese to visit our Dominican 
Monastery of Minerva. Our Father-General wrote us this intelli- 
gence into China ; I saw, read, and had his Letter in my hands. 
<The Servant, whose Ñame was Dominick, had been baptiz'd 
by the Religious of my Order, whom he had served, and after 
them the Franciscans. This Man was much respected in Italy and 
Germany and the Emperor [Leopold of Austria] himself did him 
an extraordinary and excessive Honour. One who was present at 
that time in Vienna, and knew both the Chínese and the Mis- 
sioner very well, assur'd me that the Emperor spoke to him with 
his Hat in his hand. Doubtless they pretended he was a King, or 
Son to the Emperor of China ! [ T 2$] 2 ) 

7. I carne to the Church the 3d of November, as I said above, 
and presently apply'd my self to the study of that dreadful and 
stupendious Language; there are few but find great discourage- 
ment in it, I labour'd all I could. Mattins were always said at 
Midnight ; and it was usual with me to sit in my Chair after them 

1 This story was told by García (Biermann, D/e Anjdnge, 78) ; it may have been 
partly due to Martini's expressing himself badly, for his Chínese was apparently not 
good and he himself confessed that after ten years' study he could only read a small 
prayer-book (Dapper, 718). See also the implied criticism of his colleague Magal- 
háes (17). For some of his works Martíni was said to have used Gouveia's material 
(C 107), although — ideally at least — this was considered legitímate, all knowledge 
being regarded as common property for the welfare of the mission (B. 
Szczesniak, 'The seventeenth century maps of China . . .', Imago Mundi, xm 
(1956), 131). 

2 Navarrete got this gossip from the Jesuit, Father Christian Herdtrich (Pfister, 
363-6) and Francisco Fabre, a Court Secretary in Madrid (C 618 ; R 6) ; Cortés 
Osorio (14), the Jesuit spokesman, later explained that Herdtrich was joking. 



till Morning at my Study. Continual application overcame the 
difficulty in great measure. It pleas'd God I preach'd in the Church 
the second Sunday in Lent, which but two months before I 
thought impossible to be done in two years. I was commanded by 
my Superiors to study the Characters, and thought it a difficult 
Task ; I began with infinite reluctancy, but in a few months was 
so fond of it, that I could not put down my Books for a moment. 
<I apply'd my self to learn the Mandarine Language, with so 
much application, that I sometimes went to Bed with my Spec- 
tacles on my Nose, and the best of it was, that the next day I could 
not find them till after Dinner, tho till then I had sought about 
for them very carefully. At another time I was a quarter of an 
hour looking for my Spectacles, and had them all the while on my 
Nose. I became a little impatient ; when my Companion carne to 
me, and I complaining that I could not find them, he very 
pleasantly took them off my Nose and gave them me. [T 156]) 
This study is so necessary, that without it there is no coming to a 
right understanding of the Errors they profess, ñor opposing them, 
ñor conversing with the Learned. 1 In the two Years I continu'd in 
that Province, I carne to hear Confessions, preach'd with some 
ease, read some Books, and discours'd concerning Matters of 
Faith with Heathens and Christians. 

<The first Chínese Letters or Characters began by painting of 
things ; in process of time they shortned it, leaving only a part of 
the thing to signify the whole. The Letters or Characters now in 
use were invented whilst the family Han possess'd the Empire, at 
which time the Son of God became Man. The number of Letters 
they use is excessive. The Dictionary I had, and lost in my 
Travels, which was that commonly us'd, contained 33375 letters. 

1 The Jesuits sometimes claimed that the friars, being limited to the knowledge 
of certain dialects only, could not understand the nature of Chínese religious 
thought. In fact, however, the friars studied not only the local dialect but also 
Mandarín, the official ¡ingua franca of the Empire: 'all reached a more than reason- 
able knowledge of Mandarín, the common language of the Empire' (C 53). In any 
case ignorance of dialects had nothing to do with the study of texts since the 
written character in Chínese can be understood throughout the land. On the 
literary, colloquial and mandarín languages, see Dyer Ball, 177-84, 316-22, 



There is another antienter and fuller, which contains 70,00o. 1 It is 
a dismal thing for us that study there, to think on this vast multi- 
tude of Characters, it quite disheartens a Man, did not our Lord 
on the side encourage us. It is true, that he who can make good 
use of 20,000 is a good Scholar. I, whilst I was in China, through 
God's Mercy, attained to the knowledge of abo ve 10,000, which 
inabled me without much difficulty to compose five Volumes 
concerning our Holy Faith ; whereof, according to Letters that 
carne to me here in Europe in the Year 1674, four are printed by 
this time. 

The fírst Book I read in that Country, and which I took a 
great fancy to, because of its Plainness and Brevity is the Book that 
Nation calis Ming Sin Pao Kien, i.e. The Precious Mirror of the 
Soul; or, The precious Mirror that enlightens and difFuses a 
Brightness into the Heart, and inward part of Man. The said 
Book is made up of Sentences of several Authors, and of several 
Sects ; the whole Subject is Moráis and I doubt not but any Man 
may find enough in it to make Profit of. A very good Christian of 
ours, and an able Scholar, whose Ñame was John Mieu, speaking 
of this Book, said, 'As St Thomas chose, and gather'd what he 
lik'd best out of holy Doctors to compose his Catena Aurea ; so the 
Author of this Book extracted out of all our Authors, what he 
thought most conducing to make known the way of Virtue.' I 
resolv'd to give an account of this Book and in the Translation I 
observe the Rule of St Jerome, That the Septuagint did not trans- 
íate Word for Word, but Sentence for Sentence. I am satisfíed 
my Language will not reach the Chínese Propriety of Expression, 
ñor their Elegancy, which this Nation has in an extraordinary 
measure for explaining and delivering their Conceits. I will 
observe the Author's method, tho I will not always set down the 
Authors he quotes, because it makes nothing to our purpose, and 
to save the trouble of words which are harsh to Europeans. It 
cannot be deny'd but that it is commendable in the Missioners to 
study Heathen Books, since the Primitive Saints and Fathers did 
so ; and sometimes this Employment is absolutely necessary. How 

1 49,000 characters are given in the dictionary Kbang'Hsi Tzu Tien of 17 16 
(Needham, 1, 32). 


I659-61] FU-CHIEN 

else could we in China oppose abundance of Errors that those 
Heathens hold, if we did not read and study their Books and 
Doctrine? It were also useful to make our benefit of what Truth 
there is found in them so that after clearing and cleansing the 
Chínese Doctrine of what is destructive in it, we may reap some 
Profit and Advantage by it. For these Reasons I have given, I 
resolv'd to transíate this little Book, which in truth has among the 
Gentiles the same place that the devout a Kempis has among 
Catholicks. I slightly pass over the Dogmatical Precepts of Sects, 
because it is a Subject that requires to be handled by it self, and 
the main Points of it have been discuss'd in my Controversies. 1 

After having writ and observ'd what has been hinted above, I 
reflected that Father James de Morales of the Society of Jesús, 
handles the Point at large in his Treatises. But what I have 
alledg'd in this place, with what I write in several parts of my 
Controversies, and shall urge hereafter is sufficient to prove and 
make good my Assertion. 2 

Another of the great troubles we Missioners of China undergo, 
is to learn the Ceremonies and Civilities of that Country. Some 
look upon this as a needless, tiresom, and impertinent business, 
but in truth it is not only convenient but absolutely necessary to- 
wards conversing with that courteous and polite People. Accord- 
ing to the saying, When you are at Rome, do as they do at Rome. 
Which Proverb the Chínese Nation has, but more at large. The 
Doctrine they cali Li Ki speaks thus: 'When a Man comes into 
any Precinct, he ought to ask what is forbidden there, that he may 
not offend the Lord of it; when he comes into a House, he must 
ask for the Master of it, to thank him for the Courtesie and 
Civility he receives there; the contrary is opposite to good 
breeding. When he comes into a Kingdom, he must inquire into 
the Customs and Manners, for otherwise he will offend the 

1 Navarrete's translation of the Ming Sin Pao Kien, which is omitted here, is to be 
found in the T 173-245. 

2 This is sometimes misconstrued (e.g. P. Pelliot, 'Notas sobre algunos libros y 
documentos orientales que se conservan en España', Residencia, 1 (1932), 132) to 
mean that Diego Morales, SJ, also translated the Ming Sin Pao Kien ; in fact, Navar- 
rete means that Morales agrees that 'Heathen Books' must be studied by mis- 

B 171 


People, who will imagin he blames and condemns them, so that 
all Men will shun and avoid him.' Now since, to attain the end 
the Missioners aspire to, it is necessary that instead of avoiding 
them, the Infidels should seek for and converse with them, it 
follows that it is very necessary and advantageous to imítate their 
Customs, and use their Ceremonies. This being procured, a way 
is thereby made to discourse of the grand affair of the Soul, which 
is it that carries us to Regions so far distant from our Native Soil. 

The Chínese Ceremonies in point of civility are very numerous 
and extensive ; they have many printed Books that treat of this 
matter. I give it for granted that polite carriage and courtesie are 
Virtues, and a part of Prudence, on which Subject you may read 
St Thomas. The Chínese Books teach what we are to talk about 
with a Husbandman, and how to converse with him, how with a 
Student, a Licentiate, a Doctor, a Little or Great Mandarine, 
what words are to be us'd in naming of them ; what must be said 
and discours'd at the fírst Visit, what at the second, what Ques- 
tions are to be ask'd, how the upper hand is to be given or taken, 
where the Visit is to be receiv'd, and where leave to be taken. They 
observe so many Niceties in this point, that to say the truth, it 
requires a great deal of patience to be thoroughly inform'd in it, 
and much resignation to spend the time that is requisite in study- 
ing it. The Fathers of the Society have a Book that handles this 
matter, and sets down the Questions usually ask'd at Visits; it 
carne to my hand, and I and others made our advantage of it. 
One of the usual Questions is, How many Children have you, 
Sir? I was inform'd that a Father meeting with an Eunuch, ask'd 
him, How many Children have you, Sir? At which he was much 
out of countenance. It is a plain case that all Questions don't sute 
with all sorts of Persons. A Mandarine ask'd one of my Order, 
How many Wives have you, Sir? Now the civil ñame for a Wife 
and a Church being the same, the words going before vary, he 
understood the Chínese inquir'd concerning Churches, and he 
answer'd, Three. Yet afterwards he found his mistake, and they 
carne to a better understanding. There are very few but what have 
made false steps in this particular ; ñor is it to be admir'd, for it is 
well known that the Chínese Language has the most double 

I659-61] FU-CHIEN 

meanings of any in the World. That Empire being of so great an 
extent there is some, tho but little, diversity in their Ceremonies. 
In the Northern Provinces the right-hand is most honourable ; in 
the Southern, the Left. 

In short, there is no matter, tho never so minute, but what the 
Chineses have writ upon it, and practise it punctually. What the 
Missioners most admire is, that the very same Complements which 
are us'd at Court, are practised in the very words not only in the 
Cities and Towns, but even in all the Villages, Hamlets, and 
Country-Houses there are throughout all the Empire, so that all 
of it is a veritable Court, and its Inhabitants are all Courtiers. 
The reason of it is, because all Men study this point ; and therefore 
it appears, and I have often seen it, that a Child of eight years of 
age performs all points of Civility as nicely as a Man of fifty, 
which is very strange. Lads at nine or ten years of age observe the 
same method among themselves, as gravely as if they were well in 
years. Hugo Cardenalis asks, why Isaiah was so Eloquent and 
Amos on the contrary so blunt? 1 He answers, that Isaiah was a 
Courtier, and Man of fashion ('a black-cap'd Man', as we cali it) 
but Amos was a Shepherd, bred in the Fields, and a mere 
Countryman. This distinction is to be found in those Countries 
and in Europe, but not in China. For the Mechanicks, Plowmen, 
and Porters, are all Men of fashion, for they are all very full of 
Civility, and express themselves in the same words, as they do in 
the Capital Cities. 

And it is to be observ'd closely that it is never known in China 
that they hoot at Men or Women, howsoever they go about or are 
ciad. The same is observ'd in the Country, whether you travel by 
Land or by Water, and they never fail of their usual Civilities. 
These things very often made us stand amaz'd, and we could not 
but remember the rude Scoffings, the insolent and shameless 
Expressions so commonly us'd in our Countrys, in Citys, or 
upon the Road and in other Places, to Gentlemen, to elderly 
Persons, to modest Maids and Churchmen. And notwithstanding 
all this those Chineses pass for Barbarians, and we be look'd upon 
as very much civiliz'd. In Winter some People there go abroad 
1 For Hugo de S. Charo, see Quétif and Echard, 1, 194 ff. 


in such strange odd Figures, that a Man must be very mortify'd 
to forbear laughing at them. Nevertheless, the good Carriage, 
Modesty and Civility of those People makes them pass by all, 
without any exteriour demonstration. 1 ) 

8. I observ'd during that time that the Chineses confidently re- 
ported that their Emperor [the Shun-chih Emperor] should die in 
the eighteenth Year of his Reign. The Chineses reckon their 
Emperors Lives by the Years of their Reign, as we do the Pope's ; 
but it is not true to say they have no other computation of Years, 
as Father Trigaucius, Cornelius a Lapide, Tirinon and Kircher 
affirm. 2 We know they reckon the Year by Moons, allowing 
twelve to a Year, and thirteen to the Leap-year, wherein they 
agree with the Jews. To conclude, the Chínese Prophecy prov'd 
true, 'Xe Pa Chung', that is, he will end the i8th Year of his 
Reign [1661]. They also gave out they would banish the Law of 
God [Christianity], this was talk'd of three Years before it 
hap'ned but was all the easier to be known, because our Enemy 
was already contriving the mischief. 3 

9. At an examination of Batchelors, some things remarkable 
hap'ned to certain Christians ; One of them liv'd near the Church, 
was an extraordinary good Christian, and being oíd us'd Spec- 
tacles. He went to the Examination without them, through for- 
getfulness and was utterly undone, for there was no avoiding losing 
his Degree, being whip'd, and undergoing the shame that follows 
of consequence. He told me he clap'd his hands upon his Face, 
and ofFer'd up to God that Trouble and Affliction he was fallen 
into, after he had for many Years held his Degree with Honour 
and Reputation. He pray'd, then open'd his Eyes, and it seemed 
to him that his sight was very clear so taking the Brush, he began 

1 T36, 69-72, 169, 173-4- 

2 For Nicholas Trigault, SJ, see Pfister, 1 1 1-20 ; for the Flemish Jesuit exegete 
Lapide, see C. Sommervogel, Bibliotheque des Ecrivains de la Compagine de Jésus 
(Paris, 1890-1909), iv, 15 11-26, and ix, 573 ; for Kircher, see R. Streit, Bibliotheca 
Missionum (Aachen, 1916-), v, 830-1 ; for J. Tirinus, SJ, see Sommervogel, vm, 
49. For the Chínese Calendar, see Dyer Ball, 662-4. 

3 The 'enemy' was Yang Kuang-hsien (1597-1669), a professional opponent of 
the Jesuits ; he collaborated with the disgruntled Moslem astronomers displaced by 
the Fathers in the Calendar Bureau and his denunciations of the missionaries led to 
the persecution of 1664 (Hummel, 11, 889-92 ; Needham, m, 449). 


I659-61] FU-CHIEN 

and ended his Exercise, admiring at himself; and it prov'd so 
good, that he receiv'd a Premium for it. Of course, there is no 
doubt but it might happen naturally, but it might be that God did 
specially aid him. 

10. Another, who was newly baptiz'd in his Rhetorick [i.e. just 
graduated], committed a gross Fault, which deserv'd a whipping 
at least. He offer'd up his Prayer to God, and made up his Paper 
the best he could. It was a strange thing that the Fault was not 
perceiv'd ; and his Composition was not only approv'd of, but he 
was prefer'd a step higher for it. The other Christian Batchelors, 
all of them had Premiums that Year, which the Infidels took 
notice of. 

11. I was alone a few days in a Town, where that hap'ned to me 
which I mention'd in another place, which was, that an Infidel 
bid me go preach at Manila, where there was more need of it than 
in their Kingdom. 

<And if they knew about the state of Christian Europe, there is 
no doubt but they would bid us return to our own Country to 
preach ; as one who had been at Manila told me : ' What do you 
come hither for?' cry'd he as loud as he could, 'Go preach at 
Manila, for I know very well how things are there ; we have no 
need of you here, we know our duty.' I must confess he put me out 
of countenance, and ashamed. Not long before, as one of my 
Order was preaching to some honest Infidels, a Merchant just 
return'd from Manila carne in; he began to talk concerning his 
Voyage and Trade, and said, Til go no more to Manila, but to 
Japan I will. 1 One reason is, because at Japan there are more 
Commodities to lay out my Money upon. Another, because the 
People of Japan are better than those of Manila.' Those who were 

1 The friar was García (R 15). Separation of converts from 'eradle Catholics' 
was a constant problem. The Chínese friar Lo and Francisco Varo, when they 
had to take converts to Manila on business, never allowed them to go out alone 
(Varo, letter of 18 December 1671, CASA 1074, f. 291). In Japan the Jesuits said 
sepárate Masses for converts and Portuguese Catholics (Boxer, Christian Century, 
460); the sixteenth-century friar G. de Mendieta {Historia eclesiástica indiana (México, 
1870), 496-513) advocated a similar policy with the Indians; González de Men- 
doza (11, 264) describes Indians deferring Baptism 'because there were Spaniard 
Souldiers in glory, they woud not go thither because they would not be in their 



in the company before his arrival now fix'd their eyes upon the 
Missioner, who they knew carne from Manila; the Merchant, 
however, knew him not. 'I was quite out of countenance,' said 
the Religious to me, 'and went as cold as Snow and I return'd 
home without the least courage or heart to prosecute what I had 
begun.' Here I could make many Reflections upon this Passage 
but let it suffice for the present that in the judgment of a Heathen, 
the Christians of Manila are worse than the Infidels of Japan. 
What a fine help they give with such example and works towards 
the Conversión of the vast number of Gentiles that resorts to 
Manila ! All we Missioners say, 'It is God's special Providence 
that the Chineses don't know what is done in Christendom, for 
if they did there would be never a Man among them but would 
spit in our faces.' 1 It has been sufficiently observ'd and declar'd 
that rare are the Conversions in those parts where the Gentiles 
converse with our People, that is at Macao and Manila; and if it 
happens any one does, he proves such that it were better he had 
never been Baptized. What has been written may suffice to humble 
the vanity of those who boast they go thither to people those 
Countries so that they may contribute to the conversión of Souls. 
A Chínese Bookseller of Manila said to me, 'Father, if I were to 
be baptiz'd, I'd not be a Christian like these Soldiers, ñor others 
who are here. For they have but the ñame of Christian, and their 
Deeds and Lives are worse than any ; I, tho' I be a Gentile, am 
asham'd to behave like them.' And I was asham'd indeed to hear 
these things from that Man. 2 At that time there liv'd in Manila, 

1 This, Navarrete's most celebrated remarle, was widely quoted especially by the 
Deists (see M. Tindal, Clmstianity as Oídas The Creation (London, 1731), 371-2) ; 
and it is still being repeated (L. Stephen, A History of Englisb Thought in the i8th 
Century (London, 1927), 1, 144). Voltaire, though he quotes Navarrete in the 
original Spanish, does not appear to have had either of his books in his library; 
Tindal probably drew his attention to Navarrete. See G. R. Havens, 'Voltaire's 
Books', Modern Pbilology, xxvn (1929-30), 19. 

2 On the other hand, not all the Chínese traders were so naive : '. . . all the Chinese 
that go there for Commerce, get a little Brass Image hung about their Neck, with a 
String of Beads in their Hands, and learning to cross themselves, cry Jesu Sancta 
Malla (for they cannot pronounce María). I say, when they have got all those fore- 
named Qualifications, they are good Spanish Chrisuans. And when they have 
feathered their Nest by cheating the Spaniard, and taken their Leave of Manilla . . . at 
their passing by a Mountain dedicated to the Virgin Mary, they throw their Beads over 

I 7 6 


and still lives there I think, a Man of good reputation and much 
authority, nam'd Captain Thomas de Cárdenas. He said to me, 
'Indeed, Father, we ought to behave among these Heathens with 
the greatest Prudence giving them a good example in all things 
and never the slightest occasion of Scandal, in order thus to draw 
them to our Holy Faith.' He said well for it is almost a miracle 
that any Chineses, or others of those Parts, are converted. Those 
Heathen who live apart and far from our People, hearing the 
Doctrine which we preach to them, form and hold an admirable 
Opinión of all Christians, bas'd on a belief that they observe the 
Religión they profess. Henee it happens that, hearing perhaps 
that there are Wars between Christian Kings, and that there are 
Sinners among us, they are scandaliz'd ; and tho both the one and 
the other are explain'd to them, yet they are not quieted, for it 
seems to them that these things are incompatible with a Faith so 
holy and puré. 1 ) As I was one day at my study, two Infidels 
open'd my Cell-door very softly; on my Table was a Crucifix, 
they stood looking at it until, making some little noise, I look'd 
about, saw them, and rose to ask what they wanted. They said, 
they were going to see the Church, and had a mind to see me, but 
that they were surpriz'd at the sight of that Image, which had 
mov'd their Hearts to some tenderness. What I write is the very 
truth, let others [i.e. Jesuits] write or say what they please. Before 
this, when I was at Fo Ngan, the same thing hap'ned to me twice ; 
and when I spoke something concerning that Divine Mystery to 
those Infidels, they knit their Brows, and paid respect and honour 
to that Holy Image. About this time a Heathen Gradúate, who 
lay very sick, sent for me ; he had read some Books of ours, and 
God had touch'd his Heart. He earnestly desir'd to be baptiz'd ; I 
instructed him the best I could, and caus'd some who were 
Christians of long standing to discourse him. Ten days after he 
had devoutly receiv'd the Sacraments, he went to injoy the sight 
of God, as I piously believe. 

12. As I went one day to see him, some Christians and infidels 

Board, and thank the Virgin for her kindness to them' (A. Hamilton, A New 
Account of the East Indies (London, 1930), II, 158). 
1 T 98 ;C 59-60. 



went with me. I heard an Infidel Literatus say to a Christian, 'Is 
it possible none can be saved without being of this Religión, and 
that all our Forefathers and ancestors who had no knowledge of it 
are damn'd? This is a hard case. If God be as merciful as these 
Men preach, and one Person was incarnate there in Europe to 
save those Men, would it not have been proper that another 
Person should have taken human Flesh here to redeem us, and not 
leave us so many thousands of Years in a desperate condition?' I 
was much troubled that I was not so perfect in the Language at 
that time, as to answer fully and satisfactorily as the case requir'd. 
Nevertheless that he might understand something of it, I gave him 
a Book that treated upon the very Subject. He went his way 
hammering upon this Point, and God calling him, he carne after- 
wards and desir'd to be baptiz'd, his Wife and two Sons were also 
baptiz'd; so all carne into the Church, and after them their Sons 
two Wives. Later the whole Family was sensible of God's 
special protection in an assault of some Rebels. 
13. There was in that place a Christian Batchelor, whose ñame 
was Thomas, a Man of excellent Wit, and much Reputation. 
Once, practising the Language, I expounded to him the Mystery 
of the Incarnation. When I had spoke what was material to the 
Point, he took me up very short, and said, 'If it is so that God 
show'd his infinite Love and Charity in this Mystery, it had been 
more convenient that the Holy Ghost had become Man, since 
Love is his peculiar Attribute, and not the Son, whose Attribute 
is Wisdom.' The Chínese made a good Reflection, and press'd it 
home with great Energy; for my part I was amaz'd, and so were 
others. There occurr'd to me what I had read in St Thomas 
Aquinas, who treating of this same Subject, brings Con- 
veniency as the Reason and Answer, ( saying, 'That 
the Re-Creation might correspond to the Creation.' The Creation 
of the World was through the Son, according to the Words, 'In 
the beginning, that is, in the Son.' It was, thus, proper that the 
Re-Creation, or Reparation, should similarly correspond. The 
Chínese understood this, and was satisfy'd. 1 

1 Navarrete is out both in quotation and source: Churchill more so. Aquinas 
{Summa, pt. m. Quaest. III, Art. vm) argües thus: 'The first creation of things 



14. Near to the Church there liv'd an Infidel Scholar who was 
Retired ; he liv'd apart, was much of a Stoick, and therefore in 
great esteem. He had a good opinión of the Law of God, inso- 
much that he himself in my time, perswaded his Wife and two 
Sons to be baptiz'd ; I baptiz'd the Sons and my Superior bap- 
tiz'd the Wife : Yet he could not resolve as to himself, and all his 
objection was, that he thought it very indecent for God to be 
present in the Host, and expos'd to be receiv'd by bad Christians. 
Very much was said to him upon this account, but still he was 
obstínate, till it pleas'd God to move him effectually. The Persecu- 
tion was then beginning, when one would have thought he should 
have been the further from embracing our Holy Faith, as being 
condemn'd by the Emperor, and would endeavour to make his 
Wife and Children forsake it. But then it was that God shew'd 
his mercy towards him, enlightening his understanding, and 
inclining his will to receive Baptism, as he actually did. Above 
250 were baptiz'd during those two years, and had not the Wars 
hapned at the same time, the increase of Christianity had been 
great. They burnt five Churches of ours, two in my time, one of 
them the biggest there ever was in China. It was built by an 
excellent Christian Chínese, who had been at Manila, and seen 
our Churches; he return'd to his Country, carne to be a Man- 
darme, and in his own Town he built a Church exactly like that 
he had seen at Manila, in bigness, shape, and ornament. A 
Christian Woman whose manner of living was scandalous liv'd 
with her Family in a Country-house near the Sea. One night 
when all the Family was asleep, a Tiger got in and carry'd her 
away, which the Christians look'd upon it as a judgment of God. 

(Notwithstanding the general Tenderness of Women, es- 
pecially of Mothers, for those they have bore in their Womb, yet 
there is the greatest Cruelty imaginable among the Chínese 
Women towards their Daughters. Very many of them, as well 
rich as poor, when they are deliver'd of Daughters, stifle and kill 

was brought about by the power of God the Father, through the Word; Whence 
also the Re-Creation had to be brought about through the Word, by the power of 
God the Father, in order that the Re-Creation might correspond to the Creation, 
according to 11. Cor. v, 19: "God was in Christ, reconciling the world to Him- 



them ; those who are something more tender-hearted, leave them 
under a large Vessel, where they let them die in great Misery and 
Pain. I saw one that had been three Days in that Condition, it 
cried and groan'd as might move a Stone to Compasión, and 
only a Board parted her from her cruel Mother's Bed. I saw her 
Father, her Grandfather and Grandmother, who often pass'd by 
the Vessel; and she that had pierced my Heart with her Cries, 
could make no slightest Dent in the Bowels of those Tigers. I 
begged the Child and they granted my Request, though sometimes 
they refuse so charitable a Request; we lifted up the Vessel, the 
Child lay on her Back crying to Heaven for Relief, her little 
Feet and Arms drawn up, her Back lay upon hard Stones in wet 
and mud. I was amazed to see it had lived three Days and three 
Nights in that condition : her Colour was so high it looked like 
the very Blood. I carried her away, baptized her, called her Mary 
and gave her to a Christian Woman to nurse. Within a few Days 
it appeared how much harm that brief but most miserable way 
of Living had done. All her Sinews contracted, and God who 
preserv'd Moses in the Osier Basket, kept this innocent Babe 
three days under that Vessel in order to take her to Heaven 
within a Month after she was baptized. The Christians agreed 
there were about 10,000 Female Children murdered thus every 
Year within the Precinct of the City of Lan Ki where I lived 
some time. How many then must we imagine perished throughout 
the whole Empire? But who will wonder at this, since we know 
the same was practised in Spain upon both Males and Females, 
only upon the beastly Motive of satisfying Lust? The Third 
Council of Toledo [a.d. 589], Canon 17, has these Words: 
'That Parents in some parts of Spain murder their Children 
thro the Desire of Fornication and for want of Tenderness, 
&c.'[r8 4 ]> 

15. In August I was sent for to a small Town, to hear the Con- 
fession of a sick Woman ; I went and gave her the Viaticum, and 
all the Family confess'd and receiv'd. They were all extraordinarily 
good Christians, and well instructed in the Faith. The Inhabi- 
tants of the next House were their Relations, but profess'd 
Enemies of the Law of God, yet it pleas'd his Divine Majesty they 


soon after were convinced and were baptiz'd. As I return'd it 
rain'd hard, and the North wind blew; the Cold and Rain 
pierced me, and being afoot in some places the water was half way 
my Legs. Being come home before I had time to rest me, I went to 
hear the Confession of a poor Oíd Man, and gave himthe Extreme 
Unction and this struck me into an Agüe, which was very 
troublesome. After the Feast of our Lady in September [8], news 
carne that our relief was sent us from Manila which it was a great 
comfort, for in truth we were in want. But it pleas'd God, as a 
punishment of my sins, that when it was ashore safe from Sea- 
robbers, as it carne up a River all was stolen save one hundred 
Pieces of Eight that a Christian hid ; the Thieves were taken after- 
wards, and confessing this Robbery among others, were put to 
Death ; but we remain'd eleven Religious of us with only one 
hundred Pieces of Eight among us. 1 In November following Frier 
John Polanco, a notable Missioner and Religious, went over 
to Manila ; he dy'd, after having labour'd very much, at Sevil in 
the year 1671, being then Bishop Elect of New Caceres in the 
Philippine Islands. I was order'd to go up to the Province of Che 
Kiang [Ché-kiang] in his stead, as accordingly I did, and shall 
relate in the next Chapter. 

1 On the cost of living in China for a missionary see SinFran ni, 471-2, 478 ; iv, 
385. For a comparison between the expenses of friars and of the Jesuits, 'who live 
like gentlemen,' see SinFran m, 433-4, and C 428, where Navarrete wishes the 
friars 'ate as well as even the Jesuits' servants'. Alms were sent to the friars by the 
Spanish kings : e.g. the royal order of 1672 commanding the Viceroy of México to 
send 1,500 pesos annually for five years to friar Ibáñez and eight Franciscans in 
China (AGN, Reales Cédulas XIII, f. 276). But, as Navarrete relates here, this 
help was someumes lost and the friars left destitute. On one occasion two 
Franciscans were reduced to eating grass plucked from the moat of Cantón. 




i. Now speaking the Language, and my Beard being grown, 
this Journey was easier to me than the first, tho I went in some fear, 
because I carry'd Wine with me to serve for saying Mass, and half 
the Money that had been sav'd from the Robbers. With me went 
two Christians, and an Infidel who was upon his Conversión; 
they were Country Men of the Inland, and most excellent 
natur'd Men. Upon the second day I carne to the highest Moun- 
tain I ever saw in my Life and this, together with several others 
that I cross'd in eleven days of travelling did grind down my very 

All China is furnish'd with excellently order'd Roads (which 
are never without Wells or Springs of excellent Water for 
Travellers, and generally by the Well is a fine earthen Dish to 
drink out of, and no body dares steal it away ; now if that were 
done among us, all the earthen Ware in China would not suffice 
for one single Fountain. Besides this, along the Roads, about a 
League distance, and sometimes not above half a League, there 
are excellent resting-places, with good Seats, and well cover'd 
with Tiles. Here Travellers meet, rest them, chat, and are 
shelter'd from the Heat in Summer, and from the Rain and Cold 
in Winter. 1 There are also at every Step on the Roads, very decent, 
cleanly and convenient places where Passengers ease themselves ; 
and even to make Water there are places no less decent. 

I have often seen on the Roads, at a League or two, or sometimes 
less distance, there are Men who weave Buskins for the People 
that travel afoot ; so that those who come to these places, if their 

1 These resting-places were used by officials and maintained at the Emperor's 
cost (Couling, 112; Magalháes, 38-40). 



Buskins are torn or out of order, change them, or buy new ones, 
and need not carry more than they have on. Hundreds of them 
may be bought by the way at four-pence half-penny the pair. 

The ascents and descents of steep Mountains are so handsomely 
cut out in Steps, that nothing can be finer. There is scarce a 
Stream, or a little Brook without a handsome Stone Bridg ; and if 
there happens to be no Stone, they build it of excellent Timber. 
It cannot be deny'd but that the Chineses are curious, and provi- 
dent in what relates to the publick Good. They make these things 
their peculiar care, and in truth they prosper in their hands, for the 
People being numerous, there are enough to mind every thing. I 
have seen a Road mended in so short a time that I stood amaz'd ; 
such a Work would not be fínish'd in Spain in a Year, ñor per- 
haps in many [ T 47, 114]) 

On this Journey I saw several Temples of the Bonzes, some 
upon high Mountains, and the Ascent so rough and difficult, 
that it was terrible to look at them. Others were in deep Valleys, 
others cióse by the Road. These last had hot water at the Doors, 
with the herb Cha for Passengers to drink. At some stopping 
places there were Bonzes in little Houses, where they had Idols, 
and the same sort of Liquor ; the Bonze offer'd it very courteously, 
and with much gravity and modesty. If they gave him any thing, 
he took it, making a low Obeisance and returning thanks for it ; 
if not, he stood stock still, without stirring. I never gave these 
People any thing. 

2. We carne to the limits of the province of Che Kiang, the Gate 
was betwixt two vast high Rocks, there stood a Guard of Soldiers ; 
in the middle between that and another Gate were their Quarters. 
There we stopp'd a while, they gave us Cha, and very courteously 
said, 'There is no doubt but this Gentleman has an Order to pass 
this burden.' The Infidel Chínese answer'd, Tt has all been 
search'd, Sir, here are the Certificates.' 'Enough, enough,' said 
the Soldiers. Now, to say the truth, nothing had been search'd, 
but they spoke not a word more and so we took our leaves 
according to their fashion, and went on. This was done by 
Heathen and Idolatrous Soldiers ; we shall see in its proper place 
how Christians behav'd themselves in this respect. I observ'd that 


and also other such Passes, and methinks it is impossible for an 
Army to forcé them against a handful of Men, tho they had no 
Weapons but Staves for they are so narrow that two cannot go a 
breast; the Chineses with but indifferent valour might have 
reliev'd themselves of innumerable multitudes of Tartars in such 
Passes. Soon after we carne to another narrow Pass like the former, 
but the Guard was much more numerous. Here we rested, and 
warm'd our selves at the Sun. I saw a Temple there was there, 
every body made Obeisance to me, and none ask'd me even a 
question. During that time I observ'd, that a Woman was coming 
up from a deep Valley, and as I could guess she was going to a 
Temple that stood on a Hill hard by. She carne up to the Soldiers, 
they all stood up, and very gravely bow'd to her, which she 
answer'd very modestly, and went on. I was astonish'd that this 
should happen among Infídels, when at the same time there is so 
much impudence in our Countrys. We ought all to be asham'd 
and confounded at it. 

3. I was notably made much of in that Journey. In one Inn I saw 
a Woman, which was the fírst and last I ever saw in an Inn, tho I 
lay in very many. 

4. I arriv'd at the City Kin Hoa [Chin-hua], that is 'Flower of 
Gold', because there is a Hill by it that bears abundance of Gold 
Flowers, or Walwort. The Church there had not been founded a 
year, so that there were but few Christians. I baptiz'd some, and 
among them a Licentiate, a Batchelor, and a Taylor. I baptiz'd 
one more, who was a Merchant, but he carne to naught. The case 
was, that he learn'd the necessary Prayer for Baptism and when a 
violent sickness seiz'd him, he carne to the Church desiring me to 
baptize him ; I made him return home, instructed, baptized, and 
gave him Rosary Beads, Pictures, and Holy Water, and en- 
courag'd him to expect Death, with great assurance that God 
would be merciful to him. A Brother of his who was an Infidel 
dislik'd what was done, went to his House, made himself Master 
of it, and deny'd me admittance; he call'd the Bonzes, then per- 
verted and made him an Apostate. And soon he dy'd and went to 
Hell baptiz'd. Oh the depth of the riches of God's Wisdom and 
Knowledg ! &c. 



5. A few Months afterwards I went to a Village, where there 
were good Christians, and there I apply'd my self to writing of 
some Books which I thought very necessary. They were four 
Volumes in which explicating Christian Truths, I impugned the 
Errors of that Nation. I am satisfy'd they were approv'd of by 
Learned Christian converts of the Society of Jesús and by others 
of our Order. An antient Christian Batchelor, a Jesuit convert, 
whose ñame was Matthew, read them, and when he had done, 
said, 'Till now I was not perfectly instructed in the Law of God.' 
I preach'd often in that Village and a Youth who prov'd a good 
Christian was baptiz'd, and an antient Woman, besides others 
who relaps'd later on. 

6. Here it is to be observ'd, that in a discussion we [Missioners, 
Jesuits and Friars] had at Cantón touching some Ceremonies, 
whether they were Political or Superstitious, in the answer 
Father Favre gave in opposition to my Opinión, he puts the 
question, What Gentiles I had baptiz'd, since I held that Opinión? 
Or how many Infidels I had converted at Kin Hoa? This he 
started after I carne out of my Detention. What I would have 
answer'd him had I been present there, I will briefly insert here, 
reserving the principal matter for the second Tome. 

7. In the fírst place, God did not command me to convert, but to 
preach : 'Preach the Gospel,' &c. Cajetan says that Conversión is 
the work of God, not of the Preacher, which answersthe Question, 
granting I preach'd and taught the Doctrine and Points ascer- 
tained at Rome. (2) It is a receiv'd opinión, that the Apostle St 
James converted only seven Persons in Spain, but that does not 
make it lawful to slander the Doctrine he preach'd. (3) That 
during that time I sow'd the seed of the Word, both by Preaching 
and Writing, which I hope in God will yet yield a good Crop. 
(4) I ask'd of Father Favre and other Jesuit Fathers, what Con- 
versions they had made by preaching their Opinions for it is well 
known that there were only three Literati that were tolerable Chris- 
tians at Zang Hai [Shang-hai] . And of 2000 that had been baptiz'd 
in Jang Cheu [Hang-chou] only seven or eight frequented the 
Ch urch, as Father Pacheco, a Jesuit Missioner, own'd in that City. 1 

1 For Le Favre and Pacheco, see Pfister sub. nom. 
I8 5 


8. (5) I gave in answer the words of Cornelius a Lapide where he 
handles this Point very learnedly, and even says more than I need. 
The curious Reader may see it there ; and if we add to this what 
Cajetan writes concerning the equal Reward that the Divine 
Master of all the Religious Orders gave to him of the five Talents, 
and to him of the two, which is admirable to the purpose, then 
my Opinión will be still more strengthened. 

9. And if I add that I am still preaching in China in my Books, 
I shall not be in the wrong. 1 

10. The Learned Christians in that Village put such questions 
to me, as amaz'd me. One concerning the light of Glory ; another 
concerning the precise manner of seeing God ; another about the 
distinction of Angels, whether it was Specifical, or Numerical. 
But what I most admir'd was, that I, being once reading in a 
Book of Father Adam Schall (that is written in the Chínese 
Character) whether there had been the virtue of Penance in Christ, 
and he answering in the Affirmative, according to Suarez, his 
Doctrine; Linus, a Batchelor above his Exercises, very well 
known to all the Fathers, carne up and ask'd me, 'What is it you 
read, Father?' 2 For answer I handed him the Book it self, pointing 
to the place. He read it, and being disgusted at it, said, 'Father 
Adam might well have forbore writing this. If Christ did not, 
indeed could not sin, how should He have sorrow and repentance 
for sins?' Truly I was amaz'd to see, that at one reading he should 
understand the difficulty, and give that reason of his doubt. 

11. After some Months I return'd to the City; I had a Catechist 
who was a good Scholar, with whose help I carry'd on the putting 
of my Books into good Language. 3 My Church was kept as 

1 As Verbiest wrote (247-8), books were essential to that mission since the 
Chínese were so studious ; books would reach out to those beyond the missionaries' 
contact and, once the Faith was established, would hand it on to posterity; by 
means of a good book the missionaries could do more in a quarter of an hour than 
in many days' personal preaching ; moreover, books were an opportunity to state plain 
facts in a way less likely to offend Chínese pride, which, contemplating the virtues 
inculcated by Christianity, might withdraw its peacock plumes. 

2 Linus, a native conven, who during one year taught him Chínese (C 389-90). 
'Above his Exercises' means he had graduated. 

3 The missionaries, when writing in Chínese, were always careful to get help 
from native literati (Verbiest, xix ; A. Vaeth, Jobann Adam Schall von Bell, SJ, Mis- 
ionar in China . . . (Kóln, 1933), 243). 


I662-4] CHÉ-KIANG 

clean, neat, and well adorn'd, as our Religious poverty would 
permit. The People that resorted to it were very numerous, and 
shew'd a good inclination towards the Law of God. I was sent 
for in all haste to the Towns and Villages. The extraordinary 
Poverty and Want we had endur'd for three years past, was 
such that sometimes we were unable even to go out of doors. 
If the Preaching and Teaching of the Faith was established in 
China as well as it is here at home in Europe, and in other Parts, 
nothing would stop our Progress ; but the Devil makes his ad- 
vantage of all this. This will not satisfy some but what I say is most 

<In this city of Kin Hoa there happened to me that which 
happen'd to St Ambrose in Milán, related in his sermón No. 82, 
De defectione lunae. And it is fítting I should dilate upon this par- 
ticular as being singular to Europeans. It is an inviolable custom 
in China, to send advice from the Court throughout the whole 
Empire of the Day and Hour when any Eclipse of the Sun or 
Moon is to happen. When the Mandarines have notice of it, two 
or three days before they past up their Orders in all publick places 
of Cities and Towns to this effect: 'Such a day, at such an hour, 
there is an Eclipse of the Sun or Moon, let all those whose Duty it 
is, come to perform and be present at the usual Ceremonies, in 
order to deliver the Planet from that trouble.' At the time 
appointed the Mandarines, other Persons of note, and a great 
many Bonzes meet : when the Eclipse commences, they begin to 
make Genuflections, and Prostrations, shout and hollow, beat 
upon Basons ; the Bonzes pray and all of them cry out in a hideous 
manner, till the Eclipse is over ; they cali this delivering and rescu- 
ing the Sun or Moon from the Trouble it is then in. 

This Ceremony is of great Antiquity in that Kingdom. Their 
Ritual, Tome IV, page 1 3 makes mention of it, and ordains 
that the Kings attend the Emperor to assist, or succour the Sun 
or Moon in that distress ; and to this purpose orders them to come 
with Drums, and Souldiers adorn'd with those Liveries and 
colours, which answer to the four parts of the World. And tho it 
is a barbarous Ceremony, let no Man think it strange that the 
Chineses should perform it, since it has been practis'd by 

c 187 


Europeans, in the time of those great Doctors of the Church, St 
Ambrose and St Augustin, who both condemn this European 
and Asiatic Ceremony, which was more Criminal among 
Christians than among Gentiles. 1 

One day, then, in Kin Hoa, before day-break, so great was the 
Noise, and the Din of Voices and Instruments that I awoke, got 
up from my Bed solicitous and somewhat fearful lest it betoken'd 
the start of some Riot. I ask'd my Christian Chínese that I had in 
the House, what Noise that was. He answer'd the same answer 
as they gave to St Ambrose and I then laugh'd as the Saint him- 
self had done when he heard it. I later continued taking more 
Notice of this, and of other ceremonies of that Nation. 

The Europeans do not mislike the Chineses way of rejoycing. 
The beginning of the Year 1668, some Masks pass'd by our Door, 
and we all thought the curiousness and gaiety of their Clothes a 
noble Sight, well deserving our Praise and even Admiration. 

At the time of their Full Moon, and three days before and three 
after, there is held the Festival of the Lanthorns, which seems to 
me and others the finest in China ; and I am almost in the mind to 
say, there is not a more pleasant, a more sightly, and more 
universal Solemnity in the whole World. 2 If such a thing were 
done at Madrid, I don't doubt but People would flock from all 
Parts of the Kingdom to partake of the Divertisement. Their 
Lanthorns are nothing like ours in Europe, they are very large, and 
of a thousand several Shapes and curious Figures. Some are made 
of the Glass they have there, with delicate fine Workmanship 
about them. There are some of two, three and 400 Ducats apiece. 
Many are made of thin Silk, painted with variety of Colours and 
Figures of Men, Women, Birds, Flowers, and other things; 
besides Men a Horseback continually riding round within them. 
In others there are Cocks fighting, with all their Motions very 
natural ; in others Fishermen and Gardiners ; and in others 
Soldiers giving Battel ; all so lively that it is surprizing. Many are 

1 Juvenal (Satire vi, 11. 442-3) refers to the custom of 'rescuing the Moon' from 
an eclipse. 

2 On the Feast of Lanterns, see also C 281 ; J. Bredon and I. Mitraphanow, The 
Moon Year (Shanghai, 1927), 133-8 ; Magalhaes, 104-7. 


1662-4] CHÉ-KIANG 

made of Paper of several Colours, and curiously cut; some in the 
Shapes of Roses and other Flowers ; some of Fishes continually 
gaping and beating their Fins and Tails; some with many 
Puppets : In short, there is a wonderful multiplicity and variety. 
In the Year 1663, 1 went abroad at eight at Night to see this Sight, 
and before I carne to the Great Street, I stood astonish'd, or, as we 
cali it, quite beside my self with admiration : When I got into the 
Great Street, my Senses and Facultys fail'd me. The Street was a 
League in length, which I walk'd always under Lanthorns, and 
scarce one of them but had something singular. I said to the 
Catechist who went along with me, 'Clement, we have gone by 
above 12,000 Lanthorns.' 1 He laugh'd heartily, and anser'd, 
'Father, they are above 30,000.' With what we afterwards saw, 
they certainly exceeded 80.000. In the Temples of their Idols 
there were still greater Curiosities. The Chineses themselves, tho 
us'd to that sight, were surpriz'd, and many stood gaping like 
utter Strangers. 

Those in the Metrópolis of Hang Cheu [Hang-chou] are the 
most famous of all China. In the Year 1665, when I was in that 
City, I lay in the Prison, and therefore could not see them, but 
those the Prisoners set up before the Temple that is in the Goal, 
rais'd mine and my Companions admiration, both for the Multi- 
tude, as also for the curiosity and orderly placing of them. That 
Night I went out to see the Lanthorns, I curiously made some 
Observations. The first was of an infinite multitude of People, 
but not one Woman, for it would be look'd upon as a grievous 
Sin if one were seen. The second, that tho there was a great deal of 
jostling and hunching one another as they pass'd in the Croud, 
yet I saw no Offence taken, or ill Language given, they made 
sport and laugh'd at all. The third, that there being a great many 
Shops full of variety of Fruit and cold Banquets, no Man pre- 
sum'd to snatch away so much as a Chesnut ; so that the Sellers 
were as easy as if it had been noon Day. The Modesty with which 

1 There appear to have been two converts with this ñame: '. . . a Christian who 
was a great literatus, named Clement, or in his own Language, Chu Fi Chi . . .' 
(T 42) ; '. . . a Christian named Clement, whom I put out of the House, for he did 
no more than eat and go walking abroad . . .' (C 390). 



those Infidels are bred, and the niceness of their Carriage at all 
times is very remarkable. 1 ) 

12. I began to print my Catechism, because it had pleas'd God 
to send us some small relief in the year 1664, when on a sudden 
and altogether unexpectedly news carne from Court [Peking] that 
our Enemy had presented a Memorial against Father Adam Schall 
and the Law of God. The very Infidels were astonish'd. Many 
comforted me the best they could and the Christians did the same. 
Many thought it would all come to nothing, but when I observ'd 
they alledged Rebellion among Father Adam's charges, then I 
was convinced that affair would run high, so I stopp'd the printing 
of my Catechism. 

1 3 . The case was, that Father Adam being President of the 
College of Mathematicians, had the charge of, and every 
year set out, the Almanack by which the whole Empire is 
govern'd, as well in Political as Religious respects, assigning 
lucky and unlucky Days for every thing they are to do, (tho 
some excus'd the said Father as to this particular). 2 It happen'd 
that some years before a Prince had dy'd and that College 
was order'd to appoint a proper time and fortúnate hour for 
his Funeral. All the Chineses are very superstitious in this 
respect. A day was appointed, but not lik'd ; or, as others say, the 
President of the Court of Rites alter'd it, the Mathematical Court 

1 T48-9,483;R28. 

2 'They chose days and hours for everything except eating, drinking and sinning' 
(C 91). Cf. Fr Semedo's description: 'The Kings Mathematician . . . maketh an 
Almanack . . . which he divideth into daies which ... he declareth fortúnate or 
unfortune, to do or lea ve undone anything, as to take a voyage, to go out of doores, 
to make marriage, to bury the dead, to build, and other suchlike aífaires ; whence 
the Chinesses in all their businesse, do so observe these Rubriques, that meerly, not 
to go against these rules, they hasten, defer, or let alone whatsoever they have to do' 
(A. Semedo, The History of the . . . Monarchy of China (London, 1655), 93). Schall 
had been appointed Sub-director of the Court of Sacrificial Worship (T'ai-ch'ang- 
ssu Shao-ch'ing) in July 1646 (Lo-shu Fu, 'Collection of Chínese Documents', 
4), and he became the first European Director of the Astronomy Bureau ; no Jesuit 
ever became President of it (Needham, ni, 444). His taking on these posts caused 
discord among his Jesuit colleagues, some of whom regarded the Calendar as super- 
stitious (C 238) and were said even to be unwilÜng to confess him (ibid. 133). 
Rome decreed that he might retain the post but was to have nothing to do with the 
superstiuons attached to the Calendar. For a Jesuit self-defence see Verbiest, 
41-101,237. 244-5- 



being subordínate to his. Soon after the Prince's Mother, and next 
the Emperor himself dy'd. The Chineses imputed these two 
Persons death to the ill timing of the Prince's Burial. This was, in 
reality, the principal and only origin of the Persecutions ; to which 
they added Blasphemies against God and his Holy Mother. <It 
was said that the reason for the Persecution was Anger against, 
and Hatred of, Father Adam Schall; but I judg that it was in 
odium Fidei, as in Japan. [C 269]) 

14. These news being spread abroad, the Christian Converts 
grew cold, and withdrew for they have not the courage of the 
Japoneses and others; and the Infidel Chineses kept away from 
the Church, and from us. One, who tho an Atheist was an 
honest Man, said to me : 'Father, forty days henee there will be a 
fresh Order ; you have nothing to do but to expect it courageously.' 
One day three Mandarines carne to pry into our House and 
Church; I shew'd I was sensible of the Business, we discours'd 
about it, and to say the truth they were concern'd lest we should be 
disturb'd. The concourse of curious visitors to us being grown 
less, I stay'd at home, spending my time in composing a little 
Book; and truly in it I disprov'd all the Extravagancies our 
Enemy alledg'd against the Law of God, except some which 
were altogether Chimerical. The second advice carne, and brought 
news that the cause was depending ; Father Adam was in Prison 
and the other three Fathers then at Court [Buglio, Magalhaes, 
Verbiest] were at the point of going to keep him company there. 
After forty days more, the third advice carne, with Orders to 
carry us all to Court. The Civil Magistrate of Lan Ki [Lan-ch'i] 
which is six Leagues down the River, where two Friers of my 
Order were [Domenico di Sarpetri and Felipe Leonardo], was 
then in the City ; he sent to apprehend and put them into Goal 
immediately, which was done that very night with great noise and 
tumult, fifty Troopers besides Foot-Soldiers being at the taking of 
two poor Religious. They told me they would do the same by me 
but I thank God I was not concern'd for myself I was only 
troubled that the Holy Images and Mass-gear should be left there. 
I waited all night with a Christian young Man; a little before 
break of day, perceiving there was no noise of People, I went to 


say Mass ; that day pass'd over and no body spoke a word to me. 
The Infidel I spoke of earlier advis'd me to present my self to the 
Supreme Civil Magistrate and after he writ my Memorial for me, 
I went away with him to the Court. The magistrate receiv'd me 
favourably, and presently sent me away, bidding me be quiet in 
my House, and he would dispatch me when their New year was 
over, giving me to understand the Emperor intended to banish us 
his Empire. This quieted me, and I liv'd the folio wing days more 
at ease. They brought the two Fathers that were down the River, 
to present them before the Governour ; they gave me an account of 
their Imprisonment, and the next day they sent them back to their 
House. By the advice of my Infidel Friend before mention'd, I 
presented another Memorial to the Supreme Civil Magistrate of 
the City, in which I intimated that I had not Money to bear my 
Charges on the Road, and therefore would sell my Household 
Goods. He consented to it, and I sold some Wheat and Rice, gave 
some things to Friends and poor Christians, and other things I 
made nothing out of. The Church-stufF was what concern'd me 
most, it pleas'd God I sent it all to a Christian, who liv'd in that 
Village where I had been some time earlier. 
15. After the Feast of the New-year, I was busy one Morning, 
ordering some small things to send to the Corregidor, or Supreme 
Civil Magistrate of the City, when on a sudden he carne into my 
House, attended by Officers, Executioners and Scribes. I went 
out with my Present, and said to him, 'I was putting this trifle in 
order to send it to your Lordship.' He look'd on the thing and 
lik'd it, and order'd it to be kept. The whole valué I believe 
amounted to two Pieces of Eight tho his Courtesy to me both 
before and after deserv'd much more. <He was a Man of Honour, 
and gave good proof of it at this time. He was above 70 Years of 
Age, and as active as if he had been but 30. The Oíficer that 
carry'd me to the Metrópolis, assur'd me (and I had heard it from 
others before) that he eat for his Breakfast every morning 30 Eggs, 
and a Dogs Leg, and drank two Quartillos of hot Wine. This 
may pass for a Trifle ! The good oíd Fellow look'd so fat and fair, 
it did a Man good to see him. [ T 64]) Tho he had often seen the 
Church, he ask'd nothing about it. He acquainted me with the 


Emperor's Order, <and sent for the Head of the Quarter I liv'd in. 
He kneeling, was ask'd before my Face, How many European 
Preachers are there here? He answer'd, Only one. Is there no 
more? said the Judg again. No Sir, reply'd the Headborough. 
Then I deliver him into your custody, quoth the Judg, take care 
of him till I send him away to Court, whither the Emperor calis 
him. [T64]> Next the Officers ran in like so many ravenous 
Tigers to lay hold of what they could, but found only my 
Breviary, Book of Hours, St Augustin's Meditations, and other 
small matters, which I had thought to be safe, but they carry'd all 
away, and left me for some time free from the Duty of saying my 
Office. 1 The Headborough was a very honest Man, who took my 
word and left me at full liberty. At night he lock'd my door on the 
out-side, without minding a Back-door I had and would say to 
me, Father, I know you will not run away, I do this only that 
those who pass by may see I obey my Orders. Then they brought 
me before the Superior Judg. (These Mandarines, every day, 
Morning and Evening, sit in Court in their own Houses, except 
those of the Imperial City, which are in a place apart. The 
Mandarine being seated, and his Officers placed, upon one Cry 
made, the three outward Gates are open'd ; and before the People 
that have some Business come in, a Crier goes about the Inner 
Court with a written Tablet, and on reaching the right hand Cate, 
crys, (for example) Let those come in who have Petitions to prefer. 
When these are dismist, the Crier again makes Proclamation, 
saying, Let those that are sent up from Towns come in. It was 
then I went in with the Officer that had charge of me ; and being 
on my Knees, it was propos'd I should be sent to the Metrópolis. 
I begg'd to be allow'd a Vessel, because I was poor. He granted it 
very courteously. This was the greatest Mandarine in the City ; I 
went out again and returned home. He sate in much State, a great 
Table before him cover'd with Silk hanging down to the ground ; 
he had by him Pencils to write with, and black and red Ink. 

1 Books were a médium of Christian propaganda and for that reason the decree 
ordered that they be confíscated ; on the other hand, it was also ordered that no 
harm be done to the Christians themselves, the missionaries, their chinches or to 
statues of Christ and the Blessed Virgin Mary (F. de Rougemont, Rela¡am . . .do 
Imperio da China (Lisboa, 1672), 148). 



They sign and seal with red. Thcre lay a great many little Sticks 
in a wooden varnish'd Case ; these serve to denote tne number of 
Lashes they give to Crimináis. Every little Stick stands for five 
Lashes ; if they design twenty, they throw down four of them, and 
six for thirty. The Executioners snatch them up, and lay the 
Wretch on his face upon the stones ; drag down his Breeches to his 
heels, where two stand to hold him down, and two more at his 
head. The Executioner facing the Mandarine, discharges the 
Cañe with all his strength upon the Thighs. The standers-by 
count the Strokes aloud, and at every five comes on a fresh 
Executioner till the number is compleat. There is a difference in 
the Strokes, and in the Canes; the greater the Mandarine, the 
thicker and heavier they are : to this purpose they put Lead into 
them, so that the Stroke is terrible. There lies no Appeal in case of 
Whipping, and very few escape it. When they have a mind to it, 
they kill a Man at four or five Strokes. The Mandarines can put 
no Man to Death, without sending up to Court about it. But it is 
common to lash Men to death. The Executioners can order it 
much as they please, for the great stress lies in striking in one place 
or another, in turning or bending the Cañe, wherein they always 
do the Will and Pleasure of their Mandarine. They hold up some 
Mens Testicles, and fix them on a small Cañe ; on them they let 
fall the Stroke, and the second or third the Patient infallibly dies. 
If he who is to be whipp'd has Silver, he generally compounds 
with the Executioners, and then they let fall the Cañe so that it 
may make a great noise yet do little hurt ; and the better to carry on 
the cheat, the Person suffering roars out hideously. 

Terrible as this Punishment is, there are some who hire them- 
selves to receive the Lashes for others ; so that in some places there 
are people who keep ten or twelve of these Men that hire themselves 
out. Those whose Cause is depending, and fear that they shall be 
lash'd, have recourse to the chief of that Guild ; give an account of 
the Danger they are in, and ask for one to go along with them, 
giving security to pay four or five Ryals (two Shillings or half a 
Crown*) for every Lash. The Bargain made, he appoints one of 
his Men, who goes with the Criminal to the Court : The Execu- 
tioners are spoke to, and when the Mandarine orders the Whip- 


166$] CHE-KIANG 

ping (or rather the Bastinadoing*) the other takes the place, and 
receives the Strokes for Mony. This may be easily done without 
the Mandarine's perceiving it; fírst, because of the many Execu- 
tioners there present; and in the next place, which is the best 
reason, because the Mandarine is at a great distance ; and as soon 
as he has thrown down the Sticks, during the Execution, he talks 
of other AfFairs, drinks Cha, and smokes Tobacco. When he has 
been lash'd, his Chief takes great Care of him, has him dress'd, 
and makes much of him. Those that have been bastinado'd are 
generally sent to Goal ; there are those that dress them very well 
and they pay for it. 1 [ T 67-8]) 

I believe that I escap'd the best of any of the Missioners as to the 
manner of my imprisonment. 2 I imputed this to my sins, that God 
would not permit me to sufFer anything for his Holy Ñame, when 
all the others did. 

16. Before I proceed to the next Chapter, because I forgot it in the 
fírst Book, I will here briefly mention the most usual, common 
and cheap sort of Food all China abounds in, and which all Men 
in that Empire eat, from the Emperor to the meanest Chínese ; the 
Emperor and great Men as a Dainty, the common sort as necessary 
sustenance. It is call'd Teu Fu, that is Paste of Kidney Beans. 3 I 
did not see how they made it. They drew the Milk out of the 
Kidney-Beans, and turning it, make great Cakes of it like Cheeses, 
as big as a large Sive, and fíve or six fingers thick. All the Mass is 
as white as the very Snow, to look to nothing can be finer. It is 
eaten raw, but generally boil'd and dress'd with Herbs, Fish, and 
other things. Alone it is insipid, but very good dress'd as I say 
and excellent fry'd in Butter. They have it also dry'd and smok'd, 
and mix'd with Caraway-seeds, which is best of all. It is in- 
credible what vast quantities of it are consum'd in China, and 
very hard to conceive there should be such abundance of Kidney- 

1 On this form of punishment, see NieuhofF, Embassy, 182; and Boxer, South 
China, 18-20, 178-9, 211, 298-9. 

2 This was quite true ; cf. for instance the account of friar Santa María, 'Relación 
de la persecución', SinFran 11, 502-606. 

3 Tou fu, or beancurd, is made of the soya beans which were familiar to service- 
men in the East during the Second World War ; few of them would 'leave Pullets 
for it' (see Couling, 46). 



Beans. That Chínese who has Teu Fu, Herbs and Rice, needs no 
other Sustenance to work, and I think there is no body but has it, 
because they may have a Pound (which is above twenty Ounces) 
of it any where for a Half-penny. It is a great help in case of want, 
and is easy for carriage. It has one good Quality, which is, that it 
causes the different Airs and Seasons, which in that vast Región 
vary much, to make no alteration in the Body, and therefore they 
that travel from one Province to another make use of it. Teu Fu is 
one of the most remarkable things in China, there are many will 
leave Pullets for it. If I am not deceiv'd, the Chínese of Manila 
make it, but no European eats it, which is perhaps because they 
have not tasted it, no more than they do Fritters fry'd in Oil of 
Ajonjolí (a very small Seed they have in Spain and India, which 
we have not*) which the Chínese make in that City, and is an 
extraordinary Dainty, of which Europeans do deprive themselves. 1 

1 Ajonjoli, oil extracted from sesame (Sesamum indicum), used as an olive-oil 
substitute, a hair-dressing, and for medicinal purposes. 




1. As soon as a Boat was order'd, and Officers appointed to 
conduct me, these began to contrive to get Money of me. This sort 
of People is covetous all the World over; but there is a difference, 
for in China any Officer of the Civil Magistrate is satisfy'd with a 
little, and thankful for it ; but in other parts a great deal goes but a 
little way, and they undervalue it. I will relate what happen'd to 
me there: They assign'd me an an Officer, who I fancy'd was too 
contentious, and I fear'd would be troublesome and impertinent 
upon the way. This matter depended on the Clerk, I sent him a 
Message, and a little Mony, desiring him to appoint another who 
was more courteous and civil. The Man deliver'd the Message, 
and only two Silver Ryals (a Shilling*). He consented, order'd 
another in his stead, and said, 'Your Master must have a sharp 
Eye if he knew that Man ; I will appoint one who shall please him 
in all things, and serve him.' And so it prov'd ; but would they 
do the like for a Chínese in our Country? 

2. I forgot to relate how the City Kin Hoa had held out bravely 
against the Tartars, and it cost them their Trump-cards to take it. 
When taken, the Tartar General having promis'd to spare all 
Men, call'd together all the Citizens ; and when they were all in a 
place, gave the Signal to his Men to fall on and they butcher'd 
40,000. He was a cruel Man, named Ma Tie To who some years 
after was put to death at Court. That City was much impair'd, 
but, nevertheless, in my time it was paying 50000 Ducats a year in 
Taxes. The Town down the River where my two Companions 
resided, surrendred without drawing Sword, and so escap'd un- 
touch'd. Its Trade is great, the Duties there amount to 70000 
Ducats a Year. The best Liquor of all China is there made of 



Rice, and is so good that we do not miss the Wine of Europe. 1 
Their Gammons of Bacon are the best in the Empire, nothing 
inferior to the choisest in Estremadura or Gallicia. The price is 
certain, a pound containing twenty O unces cost two Quartos (a 
Penny*) or two Román bayoques, and so a pound of the best 
Wine ; if ever it rises it is but a small matter. 2 
3. I took Boat for the Metrópolis [Lan-ch'i], not imagining what 
I was to meet with there. Next morning I saw my two Com- 
panions [friars Leonardo and Sarpetri], the supreme Civil 
Magistrate of the Town being still at variance with them. I had 
indur'd much cold that night in the Boat. I went thence alone, and 
that day I saw the pleasant físhing with Sea-Crows. 3 <It is the 
prettiest Pastime in the World, I think, to see the manner of 
físhing with them. I will write what I saw my self, and observ'd at 
leasure. Ten or twelfe little Boats, at the first dawning of the Sun, 
appear'd on a spreading and soft flowing part of a mighty River, 
just as I was sailing that way. I stopt to see the sport. Every Boat 
had four or five Crows at the Head, and they were stretching out 
their Wings, and picking themselves. Being come to the place 
they design'd, the Boats drew up in a large Ring, and they began 
with their Oars to make a regular noise; then first one, then 
another, and sometimes two together of the Crows leap'd off 
from each Boat and div'd to the bottom of the Water, catch'd a 
Fish, and every one return'd to his own Boat without ever mis- 
taking; being led by the sound of their Masters Oars. Thus they 
plung'd into the Water, and return'd to the Boats, which was a 
great diversión to all that attentively observ'd them. Those that 
caught large Fishes, brought them in their beaks, and the Fisher- 
men took them in their hands ; they that took small Fishes, swal- 
low'd them, and when they were come out of the Water into the 

1 Other travellers, from friar Odoric down, have praised Chínese wine highly 
(see Couling, 603 ; also T 34 for another reference). 

2 The baiócco is defined by J. Florio (Vocabolario Italiano e Inglese (London, 1688) 
as a coin worth about a tenth of a sixpence. 

3 Cormorant físhing was common in China. Friar Odoric found it there in the 
fourteenth century; it was also practised in England where the 'Master of the 
Cormorants' was a member of the royal household. References in Boxer, South 
China, 43. 


Plate XI. Chinese using trained cormorants in fishing 

~ — ' T — ^ ^ — ^y- ^ — 

Plate XII. Chínese snaring ducks 


Boat, the Men laid hold of them; and holding down their Beak, 
gave them a gentle stroke on the Neck, whereupon they im- 
mediately cast up all the Fishes they had in their Craw. Thus they 
went on till they fill'd their Baskets with Fish, which was not 
long a doing, and then they went away up the River to their 
Homes, carrying the Crows on the Prow, as they had done before. 
What I admir'd was, that when a Crow had plung'd into the 
Water, and came up at a great distance from his own Boat, and 
near another, he immediately went away to his own without 
regarding the rest. 

When they come home, they pick out the smallest Fish, and 
give them to eat ; thus their Masters feed them, and maintain their 
Families with the large and middle Fish. There is a great deal of 
difference between seeing and relating of this. I must say again, it 
is one of the prettiest Diversions in the World. [T 43]) 

Three Nights I lay in my little Boat, and every morning the 
Hoar Frost lay upon us, for it was in February and very frosty 
weather. My two Companions overtook me, and we came to- 
gether to the Metrópolis [Hang-chou] on the 27th of February, 
being the I5th day of their New Moon. 

(We went through the principal Street of this City, which is 
near four Leagues of ours in length from East to West ; some say 
it is longer, and allow two leagues from the Suburbs on both sides ; 
so that from the coming into one Suburb till the end of the other 
they make it a day's Journey for a Sedan ; The Street is straight, 
wide, and all paved with Freestone, which is very beautiful : At 
every fifty paces distant or thereabouts is a Stone Arch as curiously 
wrought as those I have seen at Rome. On both sides were an 
infinite number of Merchants and Shopkeepers dealing in all 
things that can be thought of. The throng of the People was so 
great, that the Chairmen were continually crying out to them to 
make way. About the middle of this Street they told us the News, 
that the Father of the Society residing there [Augeri] had been 
made a Prisoner. The next day we three were convey'd to another 
Jail, but since our AfFair was being transacted at Court, we 
suffered no other trouble save the spending of that little we had 
been saving all the year, and the want of Liberty ; and because all 


our suffering was on a good account, that is, the preaching of the 
Gospel, it was not afflicting to us but was rather a great Comfort. 
As for the good Government, Quietness and Ease and Cleanli- 
ness of the Jail, I do not question but it exceeds ours in Europe. 
As soon as we were brought into the First Court we spy'd the 
Head Jailor, who sat in great State on his Tribunal-seat ; he 
presently ask'd for the 'mittimus' of the Criminal Judg that had 
sent us to him. But him we had not yet seen, (for he was still not 
come to himself after a great Feast he had been at the day before) 
so one of his Deputies sent us to Prison. Then the Goaler began 
to examine us concerning our coming to China, upon what intent 
it was, what we liv'd upon, &c. We answer'd him with a great 
deal of freedom and ease, the Consequence whereof was that they 
put us in through another little Door which was lock'd, and had a 
Porter at it ; we went on through a Lañe, and they brought us to 
an Idol Temple. I don't know that in the Prisons in these our 
Countries there is any Church of God so great, so spacious, so 
clean, so neat, and so much frequented by the Prisoners as that is. 
In all the Goals, Dungeons and Courts of Justice throughout the 
Empire, they have Temples richly adorn'd, and cleanly, where the 
Prisoners, and such as have law-suits make their Vows, oífer 
Candles, Oil, Silver, Perfumes and other things: Some beg to 
be deliver'd out of Jail, others good success in their Suits; but, 
those Wooden and Earthen Images neither hearing ñor seeing, 
they give no Relief to their Suppliants. At Night they turn'd us 
through another Lesser Door into a Court, and then convey'd us 
into a great Hall, quite dark and dismal, without any Window 
and so full of People, that there was hardly room for them to 
stand ; this was call'd the little Prison to distinguish it from the 
Dungeon which was far enough from thence. Here we continued 
40 days, having always Light at night and there was an Over seer 
who took care no Noise should be made. All Men were wonderful 
submissive to him, so that there was no roaring, or noise, or 
quarrelling, but all as hush'd as if it had been the Novice-house 
of a well govern'd Monastery, which we did not a little admire. 
In the day time we went to the Idol Temple, and to a great Court 
that was before it, there we sun'd ourselves, which was no small 



Comfort. Sometimes we discours'd upon the Subject of our holy 
Religión, and answer'd the Questions that were put to us, and 
then proceeded to convince them of the Error of their Idolatry 
and Superstition ; but they were so grounded in their Follies, 
that tho they own'd they lik'd our Doctrine, yet they would 
presently go offer up their Prayers to their Idols. There were Rooms 
enough in two Lañes to be let to People of some Note, who were 
in for small faults ; there they lived quietly and with Conveniency 
till their Business is over. There are also some Houses in which 
marry'd People live, who keep the Watch in the Night ; they 
walk about those Lañes and Courts continually beating Drums 
and blowing little Horns, so that it is impossible any Man should 
make his escape, tho the place it self were not so secure. 

The Women's Prison is apart, and has a strong Door in which 
there was a little Gate, through which they gave them Necessaries. 
We took particular Notice and observ'd that no Man ever went to 
hold Discourse there. The modesty of the Chineses in this par- 
ticular is not to be parallel'd in all the World, and no less the 
reservedness and precaution of the Women. All things necessary 
for Clothing Shoos and Diet were carried thither to be sold : The 
Barber goes in to trim, the Cobler to mend Shoes, the Taylor to 
alter Clothes, the Coleman, the Woodmonger, the Butcher, the 
Seller of Rice and Herbs, and all other Sons of Trades ; so that 
there was every day a formal Market kept there. There are also 
Cooks who for a small allowance dress the Meat very cleanly. 
There is a good Well, which all make use of to dress their 
Victuals, drink, and wash their Linnen. Thus the whole re- 
sembles a well govern'd Body Politick. Every Afternoon the head 
Goaler with his Clerk view'd the Prisoners, calling them over by 
their Ñames, and finding them all there, lock'd them up till next 

To those that were poor they gave every day a portion of Rice, 
half of it they eat, and with the other half bought Wood, Salt, 
Herbs &c. This we much approv'd of, because without it many 
would be expos'd to miserable want, there being no way to beg 
by reason they are not even with the Ground, and quite out of the 
way for People to come at them. All the while we were there, 


more carne in than went out : Some had their Thighs all gaul'd 
with Lashes, others their Ancles disjointed by the Wrack, which 
is commonly us'd and with great Severity in that Country. One 
day we went into the Dungeon, which is dismal enough, without 
it was a large Court, and in the middle a Temple like that of the 
little Prison : All those that were there had Fetters on, and their 
Colour was unwholesom, because the place is very damp. In the 
day time they show'd them some favour, suffering them to come 
out into the Sun, where they air'd and lous'd themselves. They 
once brought a parcel of them from thence into our Prison, so that 
we had not room left to sit down : For eight Nights I lay under a 
Cañe Bed, in which were my two Comrades : I dreaded lest the 
Canes should breake, and I be beaten flat as a Pancake. I slept 
well and comfortably, tho some Boards were my only Mattress. 
These hardships oblig'd us to hire a room where we spent the rest 
of our time with more ease. 

What we admired most was to see how devoutly and inces- 
santly those Wretches begg'd of their Idols to deliver them from 
their Sufferings. Every day they lighted Candles, burnt Perfumes, 
made a thousand Genuflexions, knockt their Heads upon the 
Ground, and wept before them ; others gave them selves to mental 
prayer, others sang, and particularly one who had been there four 
years, this Man took upon him to be sacristán, he swept the 
Temple, cleans'd the Altars, look'd after the Lamp, beg'd of the 
others for Oil and Candles, and earnestly exhorted them to ask 
the assistance of those Devilish Idols and mov'd them so to do by 
his Example, for he was almost continually at Prayers. He utterly 
debauch'd one we had just gain'd to embrace our holy Doctrine, 
perswading him, if he persisted to implore their Gods they would 
deliver him out of Goal ; the Wretch it seems was not of the Elect. 
We also observ'd with how much Courtesy, Civility, and Re- 
spect those People treated one another, and the same they us'd 
towards us. This is a thing incredible in our Countries. If two 
Chineses, Japoneses, or Tunquines were brought into our 
Prisons, how would the other Goalbirds use them? What Tricks 
would they play upon them? How would they forcé them to pay 
Garnish ? Nothing of this sort is practis'd there, but they treated us 


with as much Respea, as if we had been some Persons of Note 
among them. In this and in many other particular, that Nation 
beyond all dispute surpasses the rest of the Universe. Another 
thing we made our Remarle of, which is much practis'd by all 
that Nation, and was, that when any Prisoner dy'd, having per- 
form'd their Ceremonies there upon the place, they put him into a 
Coffin, but would not carry him out at the Door by any means : 
They have a Superstition in this particular, and therefore on the 
inward side towards the Dungeon they had a Gap fit for the 
purpose made through the Wall into a small Orchard through 
which they thrust him out. 

I must observe that having gone through a great part of Hang 
Cheu with my two Companions, and tho the throng of People 
was so great that we could scarce make our way through the 
Streets, yet we saw not one Woman, tho we look'd about very 
carefully, so as to be satisfy'd of the great Retirement of those 
Women. Would to God the hundredth part of it were observ'd 
among us. And sober Christians and Scholars of Repute told me, 
there were about six Million and a half of People in this City (and 
the Millions of China are not those of France but are the same in 
amount as those of Spain). The House and Church of the Fathers 
of the Society in that City was great and magniñeent, and for that 
reason, as some of the Fathers at times told me, was a help to for- 
ward the Persecution. We saw it all that Afternoon we carne 
thither, we offer'd our Prayers in the Church and took particular 
Notice of it. 1 It had three Isles, with each three pillars, besides two 
that join'd to the Wall ofthe Frontispiece. Yet Father Matias de 
Amaya [Maia] inhis Annua writithad 30o. 2 A pretty Difference ! 

1 For this church, the most beautiful in the China mission, started by Father 
Martini, see PfisteT, 259, 286. 

2 But elsewhere he exonerares Maia from blame for this, remarking that he had to 
rely on information supplied him ; Navarrete knew Maia, who was regarded as a 
saint, and describes his death : 'it was like his Life had been. He might easily have 
saved himself when he was lost [15 January 1667] in the shipwreck of Gerónimo de 
Abrio's ship; but he thought not of himself, and remained on board assisting the 
many Persons who could not leave the Vessel ; he confessed them, consoled them, 
encouraged them in that last Agony in which he perished together with them, to the 
great edification of all that carne to hear Newes of it' (R 6). See also Sommervogel, 
v, 771-2. 

D 203 


(This should have been inserted above, but it makes not much to 
the matter.) 

This City is so well stor'd, (and there is none but what is so) 
that 70000 Soldiers coming to it in my time, they all liv'd upon 
what was then actually in the Shops, and sold about the Streets, 
without raising the Price of any thing, or causing the least scarcity 
in the City, no more than if only twenty Men had come to it. 
There is another particular thing (tho these are all common in 
China, only varying according to the greatness of the Place) 
which is, that 6000 Country Men come in every day with 
their cover'd Tubs to carry out the humane Dung. A noteable 
Forecast ! 

At length the Day of our Departure carne. The cause of detain- 
ing us so long was, because they expected all the Missioners that 
were in that Province to carry us together to Court. The Officers 
carry'd us before the Judg of one of the two Corporations, before 
whom our business lay. The Father of the Society had been fetch'd 
out of Prison two days before, they had taken from him his House 
and Church, and he was upon Bail in a little Loft he had over the 
Gate. To make the way shorter they carry'd us on the outside of 
the Walls. As soon as we were without them, we discover'd the 
finest Lake in the World ; two sides of it were hemm'd in by most 
delightful and verdant Hills and Mountains, on the sides whereof 
were many Temples, Palaces, and Country Houses wonderful 
pleasant to behold. The Vessels on the Lake were many, of 
sundry forms, and all graceful. The Lake as near as we could guess 
was about six Leagues in compass, and reach'd within ten paces 
of the Wall on the South side : It was in a Plain full of vast Fields 
of Rice. We carne tir'd to the Judges Court, having walk'd almost 
two Leagues, and waited for him two hours : During that Time a 
Multitude of Men carne about us, with whom we discours'd con- 
cerning our Holy Faith. The Mandarine did not come, and a 
Clerk who was employ'd in our business bid us go to Dinner for 
he would answer for us : We travel'd almost two Leagues more, 
all this while without breaking our fast. At length we carne to the 
good Jesuit, who was much indispos'd, yet we all rejoyc'd and 
eat together, and without resting I was carried in a Sedan to hear 


the Confessions of no small number of Christians, Men and 
Women, who waited for me in a House. 

Some Persons too had confess'd in Prison, repairing thither 
with much fervor to that eflfect ; among them was a Taylor whose 
Ñame was Julián, a most exact Christian tho too subject to 
Scruples, and therefore very often repeated his Confessions. Some 
of the Prisoners ask'd this Man one day, whether he was a follower 
of our holy Doctrine. He answer'd in manly fashion that he was. 
Then said they, 'How can you being a Taylor keep so holy a 
Law?' He answer'd, 'Gentlemen, when I cut out Clothes, I do 
not keep the valué of a Thred; and for the Fashion I demand no 
more than is reasonable, and what will keep me. This is what the 
Law of God enjoyns, so that neither this ñor any other Trade 
need hinder the fulfilling of it.' They were astonish'd at his 
Courage and Resolution, and we, being by, were much edified. 
This poor Man suífer'd much from ill Christians, and some 
Apostates : they would go to his House and threaten, that if he did 
not give them some Silver they would impeach him, and for quiet- 
ness sake he satisfied them all. Next day, [21 April] they carried 
us to the River, and tho a Boat was allow'd us (and we went in 
Comfort and Ease), yet they made us pay to get a good one. 1 
True it is, that Father of the Society who had suífered much there, 
being sick, manag'd this Bargain, we consenting to it something 
against our Will, for indeed we cared not how they carry'd us, 
being resolv'd to endure all that carne. It was a little Boat yet big 
enough for us four, three Servants and Six Officers. The Souldiers 
travel'd a Horseback by Land, always in sight of the Boat, and 
were reliev'd every two or three days. They were satisfy'd we 
would not attempt an escape, so that they took no great care of us 
all the time we were upon the Water ; and tho we travel'd with 
them 200 Leagues by Land, we had never cause to complain of 
the least Incivility or Aífront offer'd us; and yet we never gave 
them a Farthing, which indeed is very remarkable among 

1 The 'River' is the Grand Canal, running from Hang-chou to T'ien-ching ; 
begun in the sixth century B.c, it was not finished until the thirteenth century A.D. 
(L. Richard, Comprehemive Geography of the Chínese Empire and Dependencia 
(Shanghai, 1908), 428). 



Infidels. In their behaviour they were like very good Christians ; 
they offer'd not the least Incivility, but rather sometimes help'd 
us when we stood in need of it. 

Being come to the famous City Zu Cheu [Su-chou] we rested 
there five days. Under its walls is a great River along which we 
sail'd ; an Arm of it runs through the heart of the City from one 
Cate to the other. This place is not inferior to Hang Cheu, for 
Greatness, Trade, and Commerce, but is not so Populous. We 
cross'd through the middle of it, and lighted on the Church that 
the Society had there, where five Fathers were confin'd by the 
Vice-Roy's Order, and that they might be sent to Court with the 
rest r 1 We made a halt there of five days, being well entertain'd and 
caress'd by those pious Men, and indeed we stood in need of it. 
The Reader, too, may rest him before he goes on, observing 
merely that this City pays two Millions a Year Taxes, by which 
it is easy to guess at its Riches and Trade. [T 15-19]) 
4. We sail'd as far as the Red River, the sight whereof frightened 
us, and no less the violence of its Whirlpools. 2 When we left it, 
we met two more Fathers of the Society of Jesús ; (these were 
Fathers Gouvea and Costa who, either to be free of the Vexa- 
tions of the Guards or else to avoid the expense of having to pay 
them their keep, or else for some other Reason of their own, had 
left their churches without the Permission of their local Mandarine 
and had set oíf for Peking themselves. Having reach'd Hang 
cheu, they got word of our imprisonment and that of Father 
Augeri, and without leaving their boat, they wrote us a Letter 
and then set ofT forthwith, lest, being judg'd fugitives they might 
be arrested. Afterwards we met them when we were travelling 
by Land, and they were consol'd because they were safer travel- 
ling under our Shadow. (But when we reach'd the Jesuit church 
in Peking and the Fathers resident there heard how these two had 
done, it seem'd bad to them. We all went together to the Tribunal 
and were well receiv'd and handed over to Fathers Magalháes and 
Bullo who reproach'd them both with hard words and cry'd 
down greatly their departure without Licence of their local 

1 The five Jesuits were Le Favre, Brancati, Couplet, Rougement, Gabiani. 

2 The 'yellow, or red, River' (T 3 1) is the Hoang-ho (Richard, 24-8). 



Mandarme. Thus it was necessary to return three more times to the 
Tribunal to settle the matter ; and from Peking a Reprimand was 
sent to the Mandarines of Fo Kien for not having taken more care 
of the two Europeans.) 

We were now six travelling to Peking : three Jesuits and three 
Dominican friars. [C 611, 641]) It is impossible to number the 
Vessels we saw, both great and small ; sometimes we had a great 
deal of trouble to get through them, especially at a Custom-house ; 
it is incredible what a multitude there was in that place, they 
cover'd all the Water for a large space. Two Tartars were there, 
who, as our Officers told us, got 500 Ducats a day each, in Pre- 
sents Passengers made them. We argued against it, believing it 
was too much ; but they gave convincing Reasons for what they 
said. We travel'd 200 Leagues along a flat Country with Carts, 
because the Water was low in the cut River [Grand Canal]. The 
weather was hot enough, but every half League there was cool 
Water, and delicate Apricocks, and eight or ten Eggs for a Half- 
penny. After this I read in a Letter writ by Friar Dominick 
Coronado, that at Zi Ning [Chi-ning] where he founded a 
Church, he bought three bushels of Wheat for half a Piece of 
Eight, and a Pheasant for a Half-penny. Nothing can be beyond 
this, and we thought a great fat Pullet cheap at Three-half-pence : 
I don't doubt but had we stood hard, they would have given it 
for Five-farthings. At a City before we carne ofF the River, a 
Christian Mandarine made us a Present of a Sheep, Rice, and 
some small things. His Father was an Infidel, who carne to see us 
in the Boat, he was oíd, and had almost lost his Nose ; he would 
not be a Christian, because he had not a mind to part with his 
Concubines. 1 

1 Polygamy was widely recognized as a major obstacle to the spread of Chris- 
tianity in China (Gemelli-Careri, 336; Rougemont, 124; H. Chappoulie, Rome 
et les missions d'Indochine au xvii R siécle (Paris, 1943), l, 376) ; Navarrete declared that 
the Jesuits sometimes permitted their converts to keep concubines, naming Fathers 
Le Favre and Sambiasi as two who did so (T487; C 104, 202, 245-6), and who 
were petitioning Rome to allow this in China (T 74) ; it was the sort of story that 
found credence (Hamilton, II, 146). On the missions and the problem of polygamy 
see J. Bettray, Die Akkommodationsmethoie des P. Matteo Rica, SJ, in China (Rome, 
1955). 139-46. 



<I pass'd by a Village and saw the tower called Tiao Tai, the 
Angler's Tower. The Officers who had me in Custody told me 
the Story and afterwards I read it my self. When Kuang Vu had 
taken Possession of the Empire, he bethought himself of a School- 
fellow of his, whose Ñame was Hien Kuang, and caus'd diligent 
search to be made after him in order to give him some consider- 
able Employment and high Office. 1 They found him not, but 
discover'd a Man ciad in Lambskins angling by a River side: 
The Emperor fancied it might be he, sent a Coach with much 
Attendance and Equipage to bring him to Court; and tho the 
Man did all he could to avoid it, there was no disobeying the 
Emperor's Order. He carne to the Suburbs of the Imperial City, 
expecting till next day to make his Entry. The Emperor hearing 
of it, rose betimes and went to meet him at his Lodging. Hien 
Kuang was then asleep in his Bed : The Emperor carne in smiling, 
and said, Rise Friend, for it is not fit that he who is to receive such 
Favours at my hands should sleep so much. He rose very leisurely 
and calmly rubbing his eyes spoke thus, 'The holy Emperor Jao 2 
could not perswade his Philosopher Chao Fu to succeed him in 
the Throne ; to what purpose is it to put a Man so reserv'd that he 
looks after nothing but Virtue, into Offices and Command?' 

Notwithstanding his Excuse, he was offer'd the greatest Em- 
ployments about the Court, but he rejected them all, and begg'd 
leave to return to his Village where he spent the rest of his Life 
angling with his Rod. This Heathen left us a great Example of 
the Contempt of Worldly Honours, which others so hotly 
pursue. His Memory is preserv'd till this day, for the People of his 
Village erected the Tower in Honour of him in that place. There 
are Examples peculiar for all purposes in China. 

We also pass'd within four Leagues of the Tomb of Kung Fu 
Zu, whom in our Parts we vulgarly cali Confucius; he is the 
greatest Oracle in China, and more celebrated and applauded 
there, than St Paul is in the Church. When he was 71 years of 
Age, having by that time made out and explain'd the Chínese 

1 For Yen Kuang, see Giles 937. Kuang Wu, an Emperor of the Han dynasty, 
ascended the throne in a.d. 25. 

2 Yao, one of the legendary Emperors (Richard, 444-5). 



Doctrine, he retir'd home to his House, where he liv'd in the 
exercise of Prayer, Fasting and Alms-giving. As he was kneeling 
once, with his Face lifted up to Heaven towards the North, he 
saw a Rainbow descend from above, which put a Writing into 
his hands, carv'd on a Substance, which look'd like the purest 
Gold, and very transparent, but it is not known what was written. 
He receiv'd it, and dy'd at the Age of 73. He is bury'd in a stately 
Sepulcher in the same Town where he was born. 1 One of us, 
Friar Anthony of St. Mary, a Franciscan, had been there 
before and seen it. He said that there among other Trees he saw 
one without any Bark or Branches, wall'd in with Brick and Lime 
half way : There is a Tradition that Confucius when he was a 
Youth us'd to study in the shade of that Tree. I have heard 
Learned Christians say that no Beast, Bird or Insect ever carne 
within the inclosure of this Tomb, which takes up a large space of 
ground, ñor was there ever found any Excrement, or other filthy 
thing within that place. I discours'd concerning this Subject with 
some Missioners, who do not agree to it ; ñor had Friar Anthony 
notic'd this particularity ; but by this it appears that the Scholars, 
tho they become Christians, still have their Master in their very 
Bones which is not at all to be doubted. 

The Histories of China tell us, that the Emperor Cin XI 
Hoang (he reigned 300 Years after the Death of this Philosopher) 
who was a mortal Enemy to the Sect of the Learned, caus'd 
many Scholars to be burnt alive; and the same did by all the 
Books of Confucius, and other Masters which treated of Moral 
Virtues. He also attempted to destroy the Sepulcher we speak of, 
caus'd the one half of it to be ruin'd, and they say there was a 
Stone found with these words on it: 'The Emperor endeavours to 
destroy my Sepulcher, and annihilate my Ashes, but he shall not 
compass it, for he shall very soon end his Life.' So they affirm it 
fell out. This Emperor was to the Sect of the Learned, as Dio- 
cletian was to the Church. 2 

1 The temple-tomb at Ch'ü-fu in Shantung; it is about a mile from the modern 
city ; this 'stately Sepulcher' was at that time in a delapidated state of repair. Navar- 
rete is wrong in thinking it was also Confucius' birthplace : he moved there with 
his mother after the death ofhis father (Shryock, 194; Hummel, u, 922-3). 

2 For a modern view of Shih Huang-ti, see Needham, 1, 101. 



The Lineage of Confucius, by one only Son he left, has been 
propagated and continued to this very day in the direct Male Line, 
without any failure in so many Ages : And tho there have been 
Wars, Rebellions, and Tumults, which utterly overthrew vast 
numbers of Citys, Towns, and other Places, yet Confucius his 
Town, his House and Family have ever continued. He that lived 
in the Year 1668, was the 303d Grandson. They ever enjoy'd the 
Privilege of Nobility and Revenues, they have been ever honour'd 
and respected by all Men, they are Lords of their Country. When 
we carne away banish'd from the Court, we were told that the 
Tartar [the K'ang-hsi Emperor] had either taken away, or re- 
trench'd the Revenue of him that was then living. He is no great 
lover of Learning, or Learned Men. I know not whether there be 
many Families in the World antienter than this. 

The Chineses make the same account of this Philosopher's 
Doctrine, as we do of the Cospel. Some attribute to him infus'd 
Knowledg, but he himself confesses he had none but what is 
acquir'd. Some Missioners there are who make a Prophet of this 
Man, and this is printed in Latin; but others more antient ofthe 
same Society, laugh at and condemn this Notion. So even as in 
our Parts there are among us Thomists, Scotists, &c, so in China 
among the Missioners of one and the same Order there are Con- 
fucians and Anticonfucians. 1 I don't doubt that one can say to 
some of these Missioners ofthe Gospel that which Christ said to 
St Jerome: 'You are a Confucianist, not a Christian.' 2 The 
Elogies, Encomiums and Praises, with which the Chineses extol 
and magnify their Master, are beyond expression. That same which 
Christ said of the Baptist, 'Among the children of Women there 
has not been a greater than John,' &c, the Chineses say of their 
Philosopher, which is as much as can be said. I shall treat at large 
of the Worship and Veneration they pay him in the second Tome, 
where it shall also be prov'd that he was an absolute Atheist. 3 

1 For different opinions among the Jesuits about Confucius and his possibility of 
sal vation, see C 1 1 6, 3 5 1 , 4 3 1 , 448-5 1 . 

2 St Jerome felt scruples about his love of the pagan writers, especially after a 
dream in which he saw Christ reproaching him with the words, 'You are a 
Ciceronian, not a Christian' (Epístola XXII, Migne, P.L., XXII, 416). 

3 C 295-355- 



Believing what they do of him, I know no reason why the 
Chineses should not look upon their Master Confucius as a 
Saint, and the greatest of Saints ; it were madness rather, when 
they confess the first part, to deny the second. And it cannot be 
deny'd that he writ very good things, as will appear by the 
account shall be given of him. 1 

We carne to pass the heat of one Afternoon as we were carry'd 
Prisoners to the Imperial Court, at the place of the Birth of the 
second Chínese Philosopher of whom I am to speak ; he was 
born 300 Years after Confucius. This was at a Village in the 
Province of Xan Tung, not far from Confucius his native Town. 
We went into his Temple after crossing a large Court, shaded with 
very beautiful, very lofty, and very antient Cypress-Trees. The 
Chineses have much of them, they are set regularly, and kept in 
good order. Within the Temple was the Statue of this Master, on 
an Altar, after the same manner as other Idols are. Over him was 
a large Inscription in stately Gold Letters, to this effect ; 'This is 
Meng Zu, the second Man of this Empire in Sanctity.' His 
Posterity continúes to this day, are Lords of that Place, and have 
the Title of Mandarines. He writ much Moral Philosophy. All 
agree he was a Man of great Parts, but somewhat sharp and 
Cynick. His Books are of great Authority in that Nation, inso- 
much that the Scholars, or Learned Men, are often examin'd by 
them. As concerning this Philosopher's Religión, I suppose he 
was of the Sect of the Learned, and as much an Atheist as the 
rest of them ; for in his Books there is not the least appearance of 
his having any Knowledg of God, the Immortality of the Soul, 
or Reward or Punishment in a future Life. Whence it follows 
that the Philosopher Confucius was no less ignorant as to these 
Points, because Meng Zu, having study'd and learnt his Doctrine, 
it is certain if he had found any thing in it concerning God, an 
Immortal Soul, &c. he must have mention'd it in his Writings. 

In the Province of Nan King, in our way to the Imperial City, 
we saw an odd Invention for the drawing of Water, which we 
could not but admire and laugh at not a little. These sort of Mills 

1 The third treatise of the Tratados, not included here, gives an account of the life 
and sayings of Confucius. 



stood in a Plain upon the fíat Ground, and were full of Sails 
made of Mat, as is usual in that Country; and the Wind twirling 
them about, they flew like Lightning and drew abundance of 
Water without being attended by any body. Here we concluded 
that those who say there are Carts in China carry'd by the Wind, 
as does Friar de Angelis [Manoel dos Anjos], doubtless meant 
these Mills, especially considering they cali a Cart and one of 
these Mills by the same Ñame in China ; and it is only distinguish- 
able by the Genitive Case being joyn'd to it, saying 'A Cart of 
Water, of Mills, of Oxen,' &C. 1 Unless it be accounted for thus, 
there is nothing to be said for this story, tho Mendoza vouches it. 2 
Father Francis Colin, in his History of the Society of Jesús in the 
Philippines, says, They travel over the Desarts and Sands of 
Lybia and Tartary in Carts, with Rigging like Ships. In great 
Plaíns such a thing perhaps might be practicable, where the 
Ground is hard and dry, but it seems difficult in Sands where the 
Wheels must sink every moment : Ñor can I conceive how those 
Carts are to be guided, for no Rudder will alter its motion in the 
Sand. But since I never was in Lybia or Tartary, I will leave the 
matter to be try'd by its own probability ; but there is no fixing 
any such thing upon China. 3 ) 

5. It was wonderful to see what swarms of People we met with on 
the Road, some upon Mules, others upon Asses, others in Litters, 
and others in Sedans. We were known to all Men by our Beards ; 
some comforted us saying our Cause was accommodated, others 
said it was in a bad posture; which was what we imagin'd. 
Others told us, one of Ours was dead and by the ñame they gave 
him, I suppos'd him to be the venerable Frier Dominick Coro- 
nado; and I was apt to believe it, because he was sickly. On the 
Eve of Sts Peter and Paul [29 June] in the morning, a Saturday, 

1 Friar Manoel dos Anjos (1595-1653), a Portuguese Franciscan of whom 
Navarrete is almost always critical, published his Historia Universal in Coimbra, 
165 1 (D. Barbosa Machado, Biblioteca Lusitana (Lisboa, 1933), ni, 177). 

2 Nevertheless, sailing chariots did exist and found their way into Milton's 
Paradise Lost (111, 43 1-42) and into the works of Grotius (J. J. L. Duyvendak, 
'Simón Stevin's "Sailing-chariot",' T'oung Pao, xxxvi (1942), 401-7; and F. L. 
Huntley, 'Milton, Mendoza and the Chinese Land-ship', Modern Language Notes, 
lxix (1954), 4°4~7)- Seealso Concepción, vi, 331, 

3 T 33, 122, 129-32, 185-6, 430; C 97. 


Plate XIV. Father Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ, in the robes of a 
Chínese official, with his sextant and celestial globe 


we came into the Imperial City of Pe King. We carne in time 
enough to the Church of the Fathers of the Society to diñe, and 
found the death of our Companion was certain, but precious in 
the sight of our Lord. Six Fathers of the Society gave it me under 
their hands, that he had dy'd a Martyr to the best of their know- 
ledg. But as is known, it pertains to his Holiness the Pope to 
decide these Matters. 

(During the time we continued at Court, which was three 
Months (tho some staid not so long, and others longer) we went 
abroad but seldom, being order'd so to do by the Judges, yet they 
did not absolutely forbid it. Those few times I went abroad (we 
went all together to the Court of Rites and Ceremonies, and it was 
half a League fromthe Church) I observ'd some things which the 
others took notice of too in that Northern Court about which 
many ridiculous Falsehoods are written by Román, Nieremberg, 
Mendoza, de Angelis, and others. 1 We saw a strange Confusión 
and wonderful multitudes of People. From the fírst Gate we 
walk'd above Two leagues to come to the Eastern Church of the 
Fathers of the Society of Jesús. 2 It is called the Eastern to dis- 
tinguish it from that which Father John Adam had in the West. 
This Metrópolis has three Walls: The first which encompasses 
the other two, as the Fathers who liv'd there told us, and we our 
selves perceiv'd, is five Leagues in Circumference, a little more or 
less, and not as Pinto, 3 and the Authors above-mentioned write 
of it. Mendoza says, It is a whole day's Journey upon a good 
Horse and a Man must ride hard to cross from one Gate to 
another, without including the Suburbs which are as large again ; 

1 The best study of the Augustinian Jerónimo Román is the unpublished M.A. 
thesis (London University, 1957) by Fidelis Villarroel, OP ; see also Boxer, South 
China, lxvi, lxxxi-lxxxiii. For the Jesuit Nieremberg, see Sommervogel, v, col. 
1725 ; and for González de Mendoza, OESA, see Streit, iv, 533. 'De Angelis' is 
the Portuguese Franciscan, Manoel dos Anjos. The best contemporary account of 
Peking is in Magalháes, 265-340. For anecdotes about the city until Magalháes 
settled the matter finally ; see Boxer, op. át. 89-90. 

2 The Jesuits had two churches in Peking ; the Eastern church was the newer one 
and was in the charge of Magalháes and Buglio ; this was the church to which 
the commonalty resorted : the other church, managed by Fr Adam Schall, was used 
by the Mandarins and courtiers (letter of Gouveia, 1653, ARSI, JapSin 162, f. 2). 

3 For Fernáo Méndez Pinto, see M. Collis, The Grand Peregrinación (London, 



and yet he declares he speaks of the least. The Chineses impos'd 
upon him : I am satisfy'd none of those that go over to Manila 
have been at Pe King. In short, what I write is the very Truth ; 
and tho I may as well as others err in some small matter, as for 
example, in half a League, yet I cannot deviate so grossly. Ñor 
could the Fathers of the Society be mistaken, who liv'd above 
20 Years in that City. 

The Second Wall runs directly athwart from East to West ; it is 
higher than the other, and so broad that two Coaches may go 
abrest on it with ease. Within these two Walls, towards the South, 
the Chineses live at present, there are the Shops, Tradesmen, and 
Mechanicks : a Man may there find all he can wish or desire, at the 
same Rates as in any other Part of the Empire. On the North Side 
live the Tartars, the Soldiery and Counsellors, and there also are 
all the Courts of Justice. The third Wall is in the shape of a Half- 
Moon, and incloses the Imperial Palace, the Temples of their 
Ancestors, Gardens, Groves, Fish-ponds, and other places for 
Pleasure. This also is on the North side, and is almost a League in 
Circumference. The Chineses reckon nine Walls from the first 
Gate to the Emperor's Apartment, and so tell it as a piece of 
Ostentation, that their Emperor lies within nine Walls. They stood 
him [the Ming] in little stead against the Robbers and Rebels! 
None lives within the Palace but the Emperor, his Wives, Con- 
cubines and Eunuchs. Only the Vice-Roys, Counsellors, Great 
Mandarins, and Officers can go into the Palace. Among the 24 
Missioners that met in the Metrópolis the Year 1665, only Father 
John Adam, who was Professor of Mathematicks, had ever been 
within the Palace. Afterwards about 1668 and 69, the three that 
remain'd there went in, being sent for by the Emperor. 

They report the Apartments and Rooms are very stately and 
noble, especially the Emperor's Bedchamber; but I never heard 
they were 79, as Bishop Mayólo writes, wherein he follows 
Mendoza ; ñor are there any Rooms of Gold, Silver, or precious 
Stones, as the same Author says, and Fr. Luzena affirms. 1 How 

1 For Joao de Lucena, SJ, see Barbosa Machado, II, 625-6. 'Mayólo' is presum- 
ably Simón Majólo d'Asti, Bishop of Montecorvino and Volturara (1572-97). 
author of a universal history. 



could these things be hid from us who liv'd so many Years in that 
Country, and some time at the Court, inquiring diligently, and 
examining into the most remarkable things there? The Chínese 
History tells us, the Arch'd Roof of an antient Emperor's State- 
room was of Gold, which I do not fínd any difficulty to give 
credit to ; and I am satisfy'd he that now reigns might have the like 
if he pleas'd. Ñor are the Tiles of Gold, as others have reported, 
but they are glaz'd Yellow, which is the Emperor's Colour ; when 
the Sun shines on them, they look like Gold or polish'd Brass. 
The petty Kings of the Blood Royal use exactly the same; and 
they are on the Temples of deceas'd Emperors ; There are other 
Tiles blew glaz'd, which I have seen on some Temples and look 
very graceful. I have sometimes seen the Tiles with which the 
Floors of the Palace are laid, they are square, and as large as the 
Stones on the Floor of St Peter's in Rome ; some were glaz'd 
Yellow, and others Creen, as smooth and glossy as a Looking- 
Glass, and must doubtless be a great Ornament to a Room. 

When Xun Chi, Father to the present Emperor, died, they 
turned out of the Palace 6000 Eunuchs, and I conceive they 
expell'd as many Women, for every Eunuch has a Woman to 
wait upon him. The Emperor has as many Concubines as he 
pleases ; but the Empire is oblig'd to furnish him as many as there 
are Towns and Citys in it. There are 24 Kings at the Emperor's 
Court, but they are only Titular, and have no Subjects, as among 
us the Titular Bishops in partibus Infídelium : The Emperor main- 
tains them all. The Missioners cali them Petty Kings, and they are 
Generáis of the Army. There are as many Major Generáis, whom 
they cali Cusan, these are introduced by the Tartar, the Chínese 
had none of them. When any Service is to be done, only two or 
three of these receive the Orders, and they convey them to their 
Men, who are always in readiness; and they immediately march, 
and with great Secrecy execute the Commands they have 

The Emperor keeps 6000 Horses in his Stables, as I heard at 
Court, and is able to keep many more. He has also 24 Elephants ; 
these are carried to the Palace with rich Trappings every New and 
Full Moon, which are the Times when the Magistrates go to pay 


their Respects to the Emperor. An indiflferent River runs through 
the midst of the Court, being let in under the Wall, and runs 
through the Orchards, Gardens, and Groves causing a continual 
spring. At small distances there are curious Bridges over it : The 
best ofthem, which is almost joining to the Yellow Wall, was our 
Road to the Courts, and to Father Adam, his Church. Besides 
all this, there is a Bell at Pe King, which, as those Fathers said, 
weighs more than the four biggest in all Europe, which they say 
are in England. Father Adam weighed it and it carne to 1200 
Quintáis (which is 60 Tuns*). 

There is in Peking a very noted Tower, call'd of the Mathe- 
maticks ; in it are sundry very antient Instruments, with admirable 
graving on Brass-plates ; with them they observe the Eclipses, and 
other Observations belonging to this Science. Some Mathe- 
maticians always watch atop of it, who observe the Motions of the 
Stars, and remark any thing particular that appears in the Sky, 
whereof the next day they give the Emperor an Account. When 
anything unusual occurs, the Astrologers meet, and make their 
Judgments whether it portends Good or Evil to the Imperial 

I ever heard it agreed, that the Emperor's Table was made up of 
Fifteen, each answering to a particular Province, and containing 
the Dishes and Dainties therefrom. In China they do not use 
Table-cloths, ñor other Utensils common among us : The Tables 
are beautiful, many ofthem varnished as fine as Looking-glasses. 
They touch not the Meat with their Hands, but make use of little 
Sticks about a foot long, with which they carry it neatly to their 
Mouths; some are made of sweet Wood, some of Ivory, others of 
Glass, which are in great esteem, and were invented by the Dutch ; 
but now the Chineses make them curiously. Great Men have them 
of Silver, and only the Emperor of Gold, as are the Dishes and 
other Vessels serv'd up to his Table, the Petty Kings are of Silver 
tipt with Gold. This way of eating has always been among the 
Chínese, the Japonese learn'd it of them. Table-cloths and 
Napkins, and a great deal of Lye and Sope might be sav'd in 
Europe, if this Fashion were introduced ; we Missioners like it 
very well. 



The Buildings are low, but as they said who had seen inside 
them, and I my self afterwards saw at Cantón, very beautiful and 
airy, with fine Courts, Gardens, and other pleasant Conveniences. 
The Streets of the Imperial City are wide, numerous and long, 
so that it would be a great trouble to do any business, had not the 
foresight of that People been so singular, for they have Beasts of 
Carriage, ready saddl'd and bridl'd, to hire to those that go from 
place to place; so that any Man who has business, or goes a 
visiting, or to take his Pleasure, may upon very easy terms be 
furnished with an Ass, Mulé or Calash that will carry three or 
four. The Owner goes along with him and looks to his Beast, 
whilst the other is about his business, or a visiting ; and thus is he 
carried back, and for a very small Expence does his business and 
saves being tired. This Convenience is to be had in such abun- 
dance, that if a Man would have fifty, or a hundred or more 
Beasts, they shall be brought to his door in less than half an hour. 

I can íind nothing in Europe to compare with the multitude of 
People that is afoot and on horseback about the Streets. The 
Tartar Women wear Boots and ride astride like Men, and make a 
notable Figure either afoot or a Horseback, but are very modest in 
their Garb; their Sleeves are somewhat wide and cover their 
Hands, their Garment black and hanging on the ground, their 
Hair breaded without any other Head-dress, tho many of them 
wear on their Heads those Caps we all use there. 

We met with one very pleasant thing in the Imperial City, 
which is abundance of Ice, an infinite quantity is consum'd, and 
yet it is not worth above half a Farthing a Pound. The manner of 
using it is not the same as among us, but they take a piece as clean 
and transparent as the very Chrystal, which is put into a earthen- 
ware Bason, and over it they pour some fair Water, so by degrees 
it dissolves, and the Water is so very cold there is no drinking of it. 
This Drink is wholesom in that Country, and very convenient 
because of the vast Heat. They have not got the way in China of 
making the Ice Cisterns as we do in Europe, but it is very pleasant 
to see Cart-loads of Ice at every Córner of a Street, and Men going 
about to offer it as you go by. Tho this be a Truth well known to 
all the Missioners, yet Father Martin Martini in his 'Chínese 


Atlas' had the Face to write, that the Chineses of the Imperial 
City do not drink their Liquors cool: His own Brethren laught 
at this and many other things he writ : it will be fit the Reader take 
notice of it, that he may read this Author cautiously, and that he 
be inform'd, that one Night after Supper this Question was put 
before the whole company : Father Magallanes, a Portuguese, and 
Father Bullo, a Sicilian, were the Persons that propos'd it, saying 
'The Question is, Who was most misinform'd concerning the 
AfTairs of China, Marcus Venetus [Marco Polo] or Father 
Martini, allowing they were both much in the wrong?' Several 
opinions were given upon the Subject, but Father Bullo clear'd the 
Doubt, and said, both of them writ many mere Chimera's ; 
Father George [Jorge] found three in only what relates to the 
Court, and many more daily come to light ; and if he that is taken 
in one Story is suspected ever after, what must he be who is 
catch'd in so many? 1 

Besides the Seven Councils in Peking there are the six famous 
Courts, among whom all the Business of the Empire is divided. 
The third of these Courts is Li Pu, the Court of Rites and Cere- 
monies, whose care it is to examine the Doctrines that are 
preach'd, the Business of Embassadors, and to regúlate Court- 
Funerals. The Court ofthe Mathematicks is subordínate to this; 
and here our Cause was try'd. 

The Ground each Court takes up is very much. The Shape and 
Structure of them is all the same, all the difference is, that some are 
bigger than others. They all look towards the South with their 
Backs towards the North where the Emperor resides. Each Court 
has three Doors, on which are painted horrible Giants, ghastly to 
look at, all to terrify the Multitude. That in the middle is very 

1 Verbiest, not unnaturally, protested at this publication of idle after-dinner 
remarles. Magalhaes, admittedly, was extravagant in his aecusations (e.g. his letter 
to General Nickel, 17 February 1659, ARSI, JapSin 162, f. 44) but as a loyal 
Portuguese he would have disliked Martini, who was an indiscreet Italian with a 
reputation for anti-Portuguese sentiments. Magalhaes complained even in print, 
and behind his remarles can be seen the sort of thing that Navarrete, unfairly 
perhaps, reports. See, for instance, Magalhaes, 265 : 'It has nine Gates . . . Not 
twelve Gates, according to the Relation of Father Martini in his Atlas, p. 29 
wherein he seems to have followed M. Polo 1.2.C.7' (see also ibid. 16-17, ¿3, 38, 
265, 268, and the editor's Preface). 



large, and none but Mandarines, or Persons of great Note come 
in at it. The two little ones are on the sides of it, at which those 
that have Causes depending, and the Commonalty come in. 
Next is a great Court big enough to bait Bulls in. In it are three 
Causways, each answering to one of the Doors ; but that in the 
middle is rais'd above a yard higher than the others, with a stone 
Arch, and another Gate in the middle of it. On the sides are a 
vast number of Rooms, under Piazza's, for Clerks, Sollicitors, 
and other Officers. A Temple is never wanting. Opposite to the 
Doors are very orderly great Halls, and within them others as 
good ; Courts are kept in both of them. 

A little above 20 Leagues from the Imperial City of Pe King 
lies the Wall of China, so famous among all Authors, which may 
deservedly be call'd the only Wonder of the World. 1 We being 
Prisoners in that City, it was then no time to take our Pleasure, or 
go to see it. I will write what I have been told several times, 
especially whilst I was in the said City. It runs along four 
Provinces from East to West. The Country where the Wall 
begins is in writing call'd Kuang Tung, that is, 'Bright East', and 
it is not the Ñame of that Province which we cali Cantón, which 
is spelt thus, Kuang Tung, but signifies 'large and stretched out 
East', for the Tones are difFerent and the Accent of the one is 
single, the other is not. 

What I could make out is, that it is 360 Spanish Leagues in 
length, thirty Cubits high (and the Cubits of China are larger 
than ours), and its breadth is above twelve Cubits. 2 It rises and 
falls according to the Ground it runs over. In the Province of Pe 
King it breaks ofT for some space because of the Mountains. There 
are many Towers upon it for the Seminéis, and some Gates to 
pass through, but secur'd with strong Castles. All this monstrous 
Pile was rais'd in fíve Years, and 205 before the Incarnation of our 

1 Its fame was certainly wide-spread : the 'Mercure Galant' (November 1684, 
133) thought it greater than the Seven Wonders of the World put together; Dr 
Johnson 'expressed a particular enthusiasm with respect to visiting the wall of 
China. I catched it for a moment' (Boswell, Life (ed. Birkbeck Hill), m, 269). 

2 For all this see W. E. Geil, The Great Wall of China (London, 1909) ; and 
P. Lum, The Purple Barrier: The Story of the Great Wall of China (London, 1960) ; 
and briefer mention in Richard, 28-9. 

E 219 


Redeemer. The whole Empire sent three Men out of every ten, 
who working in sundry Places at a distance, fínish'd the Work in 
so short a time. The whole Wall is of hard Stone, without any 
Lime or Sand, but so closely knit and neatly join'd that the 
smallest Nail cannot be drove in betwixt the joints. The Emperor 
Cing Xi Hoang [Shih Huang-ti] order'd it to be built after that 
manner. On that side of Leao Tung [Liaotung] where it begins, 
it runs a quarter of a League into the Sea ; the Foundation was laid 
on a great Number of Ships filled with Iron Bars and sunk there. 

Who can chuse but admire this Structure, especially if they 
consider all these Circumstances we have mention'd? 

The Army the Emperor of China kept to guard his Wall, 
consisted of a Million of Men, others say a Million and a half. As 
in Spain we send Crimináis to Oran and to the Galleys, so here 
they are sentenced to serve at the Wall. This Punishment was also 
allotted for Sodomy; but if all that are guilty ofthis Vice were to 
pay that Penalty, I reckon that China would be unpeopled, and 
the Wall over-garison'd. 

I know not whether I got the better of the Sloth which hindered 
me from reading the little Book 'de Bello Tartárico', publish'd by 
the Rev. Father Martini, or whether my Curiosity got the better of 
me ; but I accidentally took it up thinking it to be the 'Problems' 
of Aristotle, and I then resolv'd to look it over. At page 26 I see 
he confirms what I writ earlier, that the Chineses had a Million of 
Men to guard the Wall; I said some added half a Million more. 
The Expence would doubtless be prodigious, and it is wonderful 
how they carry Provisions and Necessaries for such a multitude, 
and defend them from the cold, which is very sharp there in 
Winter, when they must stand in need of many things. To me 
who know that Country, the supplying all these Wants seems 
more easy, than to relieve two hundred Soldiers from Madrid, if 
they were but at the Pardo. This is no Hyperbole, ñor Exaggera- 
tion but a known Truth, admitting not the slightest Doubt. 

When the Tartars enter'd the Imperial City, there were 7,000 
Pieces of Cannon mounted on the Walls, so we were inform'd in 
that Metrópolis, but there being no body to play them, it was the 
same thing as if there had been none. The Emperor wanted the 


Love of his Subjects, and Eunuchs, who betray'd him ; what then 
signify'd the CannonPWhat signifíes a mighty Army of resolute 
Soldiers, and well provided, if they want Faith and Loyalty? 

The Emperor of China was ever provident in laying up a 
Treasure, a necessary Precaution to be able to relieve the Publick, 
and the Subjects in their Necessities; But this must not be done, 
as that Chínese Emperor who preceded the Tañar did ; he gathered 
much, and was very covetous, so that it only profited the Rebel, 
who seiz'd the Royal City, and set fire to the Palace. 1 He carry'd 
away vast Riches, yet when the Tartar carne he found a great 
quantity. After the Palace was burnt, Father Adam went into it 
to behold 'where Troy Town stood', 2 and walking through the 
Rooms, found a Manuscript Book in our antient [European] 
Character on Vellum ; and as Father Brancati, to whom it was 
sent, told me it contain'd a Text and Commentary ; the Character 
of the Text was small and unintelligible, that of the Commentary 
was larger, and some of it might be read : The Subject was 
Divinity; it was often quoted St Augustine and St Thomas, but 
no other Author. It is not known when or how that Book was 
carry'd into China, and presented to the Emperor. 

1 will conclude this Part with the relation of the State with 
which the Emperor goes out of his Palace, as it was told me by 
Father John Balat, a Jesuit, who himself saw the late Emperor 
[Shun-chih] when he went to Father Adam, his Church. In the 
íirst place, the Doors of all the Houses in the Streets through which 
he is to pass, are all shut, and the People retire, so that not a Soul 
is to be seen ; and if any were, they would be severely Punish'd. 
Before there come out a Horseback all the petty Kings, Ko Laós 
and great Mandarines, who ride cióse to the Walls that the whole 
Street may lie open. Next follow 24 Colours of yellow Silk, 
which is the Colour of the Emperor's Livery, with golden 
Dragons embroider'd on them for his Arms. Then come 24 
Umbrelloes of the same Colour, with treble Coverings, which are 

1 Wan-li (1573-1620) was 'primarily interested in hoarding vast treasure for 
himself and his favoured sons' (Hummel, 1, 597). 

2 A proverb : 'to express any place . . . that was famous and nothing of it left but 
Ruins' (Stevens, Dicüonary) ; after Vergil, Aen. ii, 325. 



very sightly; I have seen many of this sort and make. After them 
are 24 great rich Fans, of which I have seen some, and they would 
be much valued in Europe. Behind these marches the Imperial 
Guard, which is very numerous. These and the rest we shall speak 
of, wear a yellow Livery richly wrought, and sightly Helmets of 
the same Colour. Four and Twenty Men in the same Garb carry 
the Emperor's Chair, or Palanquine, which is of great Valué; 
and at certain distances the like number stands as Relays. Then 
follow many Musicians, and after them Pages and Footmen. This 
in Writing seems little, but is prodigious to behold, as that Father 
[Valat] said. 1 ) 

6. So six Missioners of us had come together to the Northern 
Court of the Empire ; and by degrees those that lived in other 
Provinces join'd us, and we met five and twenty of us in all, 
besides the four Jesuits that resided at the Imperial City, and five 
friars of my Order that hid themselves at Fo Kien, while another 
of Ours, [friar Vittorio Riccio] having no convenience of hiding, 
went over to Manila in a Dutch Ship then in that Kingdom. 2 

<The Tribunal of Rites, hearing that we oífer'd Sacrifice to the 
Lord of Heaven, it seem'd to them that we were usurping the 
Emperor's Right; so they forbad the Missioners to say Mass, 
saying that Sacrifice pertain'd privily to the Emperor and that no 
other might perform it. When I reach'd Court I found that the 
Fathers there, outwardly obeying and so as not to appear to go 
against that Command, said four Masses no more, during the 
Night about one or two of the Clock. 

We continued in the Imperial City until finally they called us 
and having counted us like Sheep without speaking a word to us, 
they carried us to the Council of War, where they handed us over, 
in order that they might take us to Macao, whither we were 
banished. The following day we left the Court with much 
clattering Soldiery. It was the 1 3th of September of 166$. 3 ) 

Most of what befel us has been writ before, it will be proper in 

1 T 12-14, 2 °. 2 4~5> 28 > 30-i, 445-6. 

2 Fuller details are given at C 611. The Dominican friars who managed to 
continué working secretly were García, Varo, del Valle, Verge, and also the 
Chínese Lo, who, as a native, was not included in the Imperial order. 

3 C 129, 161, 269. 



this place to mention some things that have been publish'd 
without any ground for them ; one is, that the Bonzes' gather'd 
thousands of Ducats to suborn the Members of the Court of 
Rites against us. This was inquir'd into at the Imperial City, and 
no other ground could be heard of it, but that a Christian heard 
an Infidel say so in a Tavern. Upon this some believ'd it as if it 
had been a certain truth, and as such have printed it. A strong 
Argument against it is, that at the same time the Bonzes also were 
persecuted. So they therefore had enough to do at that time to 
mind their own business, without minding what did not concern 
them: and if they brib'd anyone it was likely they did so to save 
themselves, not to hurt others. Besides, what harm has the Law of 
God hitherto done the Bonzes, when there are so few Christians? 

<The Supreme Governour of Cantón presented a Petition 
against the Bonzes; upon which it was ordered, that only 20 
should be allowed in every Town, 40 in Cities of the first Rank, 
30 in those of the Second. But when we carne to Cantón they 
were all undisturbed in their Houses and Monasteries. All these 
Bonzes profess Chastity ; but there have been some special Cases. 
On the 2nd of April, 1667, we were told the Petty King of 
Cantón had condemned 11 to be burnt alive, for having taken 
them in Sin, in which there was a Complication of Murder. 
[T85]> It has been given out too, that when they sign'd the 
Warrant to put us to death, a fiery Ball fell upon the Palace, and 
did great Mischief, which is all false and groundless. I was at the 
Imperial City with the rest, and we neither saw ñor heard of it. 
And tho this be a Negative Proof, yet it is convincing, because 
we often pass'd under the Palace Walls, we convers'd with 
Christians and Infidels, and our Servants and others told us every 
thing that hap'ned, and all that was talk'd of us very particularly ; 
how then should we have had no account of such a Prodigy? 
7. Besides the very Foundation is false, for Sentence of Death was 
never pass'd against us, all the Judgments the Court of Rites 
gave against us were revers'd by the four Governours [Regents] 
who only approv'd of that of Banishment. Father Adam was 
adjudged to be cut in a thousand pieces but the Judgment was not 
approv'd; they reduced the sentence to quartering but that 


sentence also was rejected ; ñor would they admit the last, which 
was, to banish us all into Tartary. 

8. I have also read several times, that Father John Adam often 
excus'd himself to thc Emperor from being concern'd in the 
Mathematicks, and that he had the Employment against his will. 
Why should any body give this out, when his own Brethren are 
of the contrary opinión, and own it? What I write is so true, that 
Father Verbiest making his excuses from attending the Mathe- 
maticks, on account that he was a Religious and the Emperor 
alledging that Father Adam was so too, and yet follow'd that 
Employment, this Father [Verbiest] answer'd, 'That was the 
reason he had ever liv'd in sorrow and discontent.' This Answer 
becoming afterwards known at Cantón, where we were alto- 
gether, Fr Gouvea, Superior of that Mission, and Fr Favre who 
had been so before him, both said in my hearing, 'Fr Verbiest 
ly'd, and deserves to have his Head cut ofF for it : Does not he 
know that this Punishment is due to him that lies and imposes on 
the Emperor of China?' This is a clear case, there is no need of 
palliating it, ñor any reason for it. It is requisite to be cautious in 
reading other things which have been publish'd in Europe, and 
shall be taken notice of in their due time. 

9. That a Comet appear'd several days before the Persecution, it is 
true, but the same appear'd in these Parts [of Europe]. It is true, 
that a well-shap'd Cross was seen some Years before in the 
Metrópolis of Xan Tung [Shan-tung]. So it is, that about that 
time there were Earthquakes; and that whilst we were in the 
Imperial City, the Rains were so great, that part of the second 
Wall was ruin'd. My opinión is, and Fr Luveli of the Society is 
the same, that Christianity is not yet so far advanced there, that 
God should work Miracles in it or for it. 1 

<The day we went out to Banish ment, being 25 Missioners and 
30 Christians that attended us, in a moment we were all furnish'd 
with Asses, which are excellent Cattel for travelling. That after- 

1 Others saw the hand of God in these events (Santa Cruz, 460-1 ; Le Comte, 
369). Navarrete is nearer to Voltaire's sentiments: 'If God had wished China to 
become a Christian nation would He have confined Himself to engraving crosses 
on the sky? Would He not have engraved them in the hearts of the Chínese?' {Age 
of Louts XIV, ch. xxxix). 



noon we travell'd five Leagues with ease, and in a short time, the 
Country about the Imperial City being all as smooth as ones 
hand. [T24]> 

10. Only five and twenty of us Missioners sail'd for Macao, for 
those who had been residing in the Imperial City remain'd there 
because they had all eaten the King's Bread, and therefore were 
left there, according to the Chínese Policy. Father Adam was a 
Cripple and he soon dy'd while the other three were kept cióse 
Prisoners almost two Years. We were six months and twelve days 
going to Macao ; we were all a terrible Winter in the Boats, and 
suffer'd great hardships, which if I would write it would fill many 
Sheets. 1 

< We travell'd the River that is cut for the Emperor's Boats, and 
for an infinite multitude of other Boats in that Country, and which 
reaches within a small distance of the Imperial City. This is 
another Wonder, and no small one either, for it is above 200 
Leagues in length ; for one hundred the Water runs away to the 
North, the other hundred it flows to the South. We sail'd the 
whole length of it as we went away banish'd from the Court. 

Being come to the middle of it we found a great Idol Temple 
standing on the Bank, and near it a good Spring, which there 
divides it self into two small Brooks, one turning to the North, 
and the other to the South. This Water is not enough for large 
Vessels, so that at times they are forced to stay for the Rains; and 
there are sometimes 500, sometimes 800 Boats stopt there till the 
Rain falls. This hapn'd when we were going up to the Imperial 
City. To supply this Defect, and endeavour to make it navigable 
at all times, they have found a useful but costly Expedient, which 
is, that on the South side, where is the greatest want of Water, 
they have 80 strong Sluices. Two strong stone Walls come down 
from the Land at equal distances, which drawing on still closer 
and closer, reach to the middle of the River, where they form a 
narrow Passage only capable of one large Boat at a time ; this 
Passage is clos'd with mighty Sluices. At every one of these there 
is a Mandarine, with a great many Men to help the Vessels 

1 Navarrete was travelling with Brancati, Santa María, Sarpetri, and Leonardo 
(C 64). Magalhaes (131) had travelled that way earlier. 



through. When the Sluices are shut, that little Water which runs 
in betwixt them in half a day, rises above a fathom and a half ; 
then they suddenly throw open the Flood-gates, and the Vessels 
rush out as swift as an Arrow out of a Bow, and make all the way 
they can, till the Water again failing them, they are forc'd to repeat 
the same thing again. As some Boats fall down, others are going 
up ; and this being more difficult because it is against the forcé of 
the Stream, such a number of Men join to hale them wiih Ropes, 
that it is wonderful to see how swift they drag a Vessel of above 
eighty Tun against the Current of that impetuous Torrent. 1 

They observe great Order, and have their precedency in passing. 
The King's Vessels, of course, have the first place, and among 
them the worthiest, and those that carry Ambassadors, or Persons 
of Note. Many too that ought to come last, buy a good Place. It is 
amusing and worth observing, to hear what Shouts, and noise of 
little Drums and Horns there is when any great Vessel goes 
through, especially if it be at Midnight, as we did sometimes. 
These Delays make the Voyage tedious. We spent six months 
and twelve days between the Court and Cantón, which was time 
enough to sail from Coa to Lisbon. When there are great Rains, 
the Water gushes out in several Places, and breaks down the 
Banks that should keep it in. To prevent this Mischief, there are 
always abundance of People employ'd in several Parts to repair 
them with Turf, Earth, Sticks and Stakes. 

There is no doubt but the cutting of that River was a prodigious 
Expence, and they are at no small Charge in keeping it in Repair ; 
but it is as certain, that the Land-carriage would be more in- 
tolerably dear than it is by this Conveniency. Great Art was us'd 
in cutting of it, for it is all full of turnings and windings in order 
to stay the Current of the Water. It is an incredible Number of 
Boats of all Sizes that is continually going upon it; and the same 
may be seen in other Places upon other Rivers. The multitude we 
saw in this Voyage was so great that the Missioners who valued 
themselves upon their Knowledge in the Mathematicks, computed 
it and maintain'd there were enough to build a Bridg from Macao 
to Coa, which are distant 900 Leagues from one another, or more, 
1 For a fuller description see Magalháes, 1 1 3-20. 


as some will have it. There are those who affirm, there are more 
Vessels in China than in all the rest of the known World. This 
will seem incredible to many Europeans; but I, who have not 
seen the eighth part of the Vessels in China, and have travel'd a 
great part of the World, do look upon it as most certain. There is 
another thing very wonderful : all along the way we have spoke of, 
there is a great plenty of all sorts of Provisions, not only at reason- 
able, but at very inconsiderable and even low Rates; and the 
Passengers being without Number, the Prodigy is the greater. A 
good Pidgeon is sold for a Half-penny, a large fat Pullet with 
Eggs for three Half-pence, and where there is more scarcity, for 
Two-pence ; a pound of excellent large Fish for Three-farthings, 
and sometimes less; Beef, Hares, Pork, and other sorts ofFlesh at 
the same Rate ; and very often they carne to the Boats to offer these 
and the like things to sale. 

Before we got off this River it began to freeze, and some days 
they were forced to break the Ice to be able to make way ; and if 
we had been stopp'd a fortnight longer, there had been no 
avoiding travelling by Land, which would have been mighty 
troublesome to us. When the cold Weather and Frost carne on, 
we all took notice of a notable Contrivance, and peculiar to the 
Ingenuity of the Chineses, for earning their Bread; which is, that 
to secure their fishing in the Rivers and Lakes, and to be able to 
cast their Nets safe from the terrible frosts that are frequent in those 
Parts, they make a Case of Buffalo, or Horses Hide well sew'd, 
with the Hair on the inside, Boots at the bottom, and Gloves and 
Sleeves of the same all in one piece. Into this they go with their 
Clothes, Shoes, and Stockings on, then girding it cióse about 
their Waste, they fasten it upon one Shoulder. In this manner they 
run into the River up to their Arm-pits, then cast their Nets ; and 
having drawn them, and caught their Fish, they slip off the Case, 
having all their Clothes on, and not a drop of Water comes 
through. We were all Eye-witnesses of this, and did not a little 
admire it. We saw others in Boats with the same Cases over them, 
with their Gantlets sew'd to the Oars. And they row'd as swift as 

We had an Order for Boats and for Maintenance, and tho we 



did not always get the Sustenance, we shew'd the Order in every 
City and Town and were given ninety Men for the care of the 

The Southern Court, and for this very Reason call'd Nan King, 
is most renowned in those Parts, tho the Emperors have not these 
many Years resided there. I never went within it, but have often 
times hear'd some Missioners who liv'd there several Years, and 
other judicious Christians, talk of its greatness. As we were 
going from the Court to Banishment, we carne to Anchor very 
near to its fírst Wall, where we lay some days. The Wall is high, 
beautiful and of a goodly Structure, and the fírst that ever I saw of 
that sort in my Life. It has no Battlements, as is usual, but runs in 
the nature of a Scollop-Lace, as is us'd in some antient Buildings 
in Spain. The whole is very graceful to behold, and the Chineses 
say its Circumference is 160 of their Miles, which, according to 
some of the Missioners Computation, make 16 Spanish Leagues, 
and according to others 1 3 or 14. 

We pass'd by three very large Lakes in our way from the Im- 
perial City. The fírst was of so great an extent, that as far as the 
Horizon terminated our sight, there appear'd nothing but Water, 
and a considerable part of it was cover'd with Geese and Ducks. 
The Chineses catch these very artifícially. They go into the 
Water with their Heads thrust into Calabashes, and walk so 
slowly, that it looks as if nothing moved but the Calabash upon 
the Water : Being come up in this manner to the Goose or Duck, 
which they can see through the holes in the Calabash before their 
Eyes, they lay hold of it by the Feet and pulí it under Water, 
where they wring the Neck, and put it into a Bag they carry for 
the purpose ; once this is full they then go out again as softly as 
they went in, without disturbing the rest of the birds. This way of 
catching them is more profítable than sightly; they that do not 
understand it, would think the Ducks did dive for Food, as they 
do every moment. These Fowl are dress'd several ways ; they are 
frequently boil'd and their Broth is look'd upon as very nourish- 
ing : they are very good roasted, and in Souce ; but they are in- 
comparably better salted and dry'd, there's no Gammon can 
compare with them ; and they are a dainty Provisión for Sea, or 

I665-6] CANTON 

Travellers at Land. Infinite numbers of them are sold after this 
manner. Besides they breed abundance in their Houses, which are 
more valued because they are tame, tho it is hard to distinguish 
betwixt them by the savour and taste. 1 

The Provinces of Xen Si [Shensi] and Xan Si [Shansi] breed 
abundance of those Animáis that Musk comes from ; in that 
Country they are called Xe. Their Books describe it after this 
manner ; the Body is like that of a small Deer, the Hair resembles 
that of a Tiger or Ownce ; when hard drove by the Hunters, it 
climbs upon the Rocks, where it bites off the Musk-bag which 
hangs at its Navel, thinking thus to save its Life by surrendring its 
Treasure to the Hunters ; but in a moment it dies. This account of 
the Books agrees with the common opinión. There is another 
Creature in those same Provinces very like that we have spoken of, 
it seems to be an imperfect Species of it, for it only difTers in 
that it has no Musk-Bag, all the rest is exactly the same. This 
Beast is sold to eat. As we carne away from Court, our Men 
bought one ; it is wonderful what a scent the Flesh exhal'd when 
it was roasted, for it diífused it self all over the Vessel, and into all 
the Cabbins ; when eaten, it tasted like the highest preparation of 
Musk, and the smell was such as did not offend the taste, but if 
stronger there had been no eating of it for the Perfume. 2 ) 

On reaching Cantón we were brought before the Supreme 
Governour of Cantón, who was in his Chair of State, with 
greater Majesty, Attendants, and Respect, than any Prince in 
Europe. 3 He said to us, 'The Emperor orders me to send you over 
to the People of Macao ; at present we are variance with that City, 
stay here the mean while, and Til take care of you ; when the 
Aífair of Macao is adjusted, Til send you thither.' 4 They carry'd 

1 This opinión was soon to change : 'The abominable Sin of Sodomy is tolerated 
here, and all over China, and so is Buggery, which they use both with Beasts and 
Fowls, in so much that Europeans do not care to eat Duck, except what they bring 
up themselves' (Hamilton, 11, 125-6). 

2 T 11, 29-30, 41, 43, 46, 204. 

3 The 'Supreme Governor' was the Viceroy of Liang-kuang, Lu Hsing-tsu 
(Fu, 'Two Embassies', 78). 

4 The Ch'ing government had ordered (1662) the evacuation of the coast in the 
hope of cutting off supplies from the Ming pírate Coxinga (T 415-20 ; Hummel, 1, 
108-9 ; Boxer, Fidalgos, 155) ; the Jesuits in Peking got Macao exempted from this 



us to a House that had been the Church of the Jesuit Fathers. It 
was night when we carne to it and we had much ado to find every 
one of his Rags, and compose our sel ves to rest; there was neither 
Fire, ñor Candle, ñor a morsel to eat, ñor a drop of Water and 
though we did nothing but stumble and fall, we were very well 
pleas'd. Blessed be the Lord, for whose sake we suffer'd ! 
n. We spent some days very uneasily. The Governor twice sent 
us 250 Ducats in Silver; it was a noble Alms, and well tim'd for 
us. Who would imagine a Heathen should be so good to us? 
With this Supply some little Cells were contriv'd, in which we 
liv'd very contentedly. 

<In two days time we furnish'd our selves with all Necessaries 
finding Tables, Chairs, Beds, Presses, Boxes, Chests, all of Cañe, 
ready made in the Shops. These Cane-chairs, Table, Bed, &c, 
lasted me four Years and I left them never the worse for wearing. 
The Bed cost a Ryal and a half (nine pence*), the Table a Ryal 
(six pence*); three quarters of a Ryal (four pence half penny*) 
every Chair, and a Ryal the Shelf for Books ; and the rest were 
bought at the same rates. 

Our Detention (for no one called it Prison) was divided in 
three Stages : the fírst was severe and streight and no one of us left 
the House. The first four Days there were Guards, and the Man- 
dareens carne divers times to take our Ñames and to know by 
them if any of us was missing. The Purpose of this was that none 
should fly back to his Church, or Inland, to preach, which was 
forbid by the Emperor but it was not done to stop us from going 
to Macao, for they knew with all plain Evidence that we could 
not go thence back into the Kingdom. It was during these Cir- 
cumstances of Time, when we were but freshly arriv'd there, and 
they had much Care of us, going to count our Ñames frequently, 
that Father Brancati left without teiling his Superior. Father 
Brancati was living in that Part of the House near a small side- 
door which opened upon some marshy Land adjoining an estuary ; 

order, but when they fell from favour the Macanese were ordered to remove to 
Cantón or to leave China. The Mandarin's 'variance' aróse over a bribe promised 
him by Macao, but not paid ; his kindness to the missionaries was, therefore, the 
more admirable. See pp. 269-70, 271-2 below. 


I665-6] CANTON 

and he, being over-zealous for the Welfare of his Flock, was there 
one Night and gone next Morning. 1 He left some Billets for the 
eider Jesuit Fathers, and one for me also, in which he gave 
Account of his Design and of the Licence he had for performing 
it. Great was the Fright of all and we were alarmed by this 
inopportune Resolve. The Risk of suffering for us and for our 
Christians was evident. A common Council was held over the 
Means to be taken and the Result was, it was necessary to send 
someone to fínd him with all Diligence before the News should 
get out of our House. Father Manuel Jorge went after him in a 
Light Vessel and such was his great Care that on the second Day 
he catch'd up with him upon the River where Father Brancati was 
sailing with all Speed. And upon the third Day he return'd 
bringing him back. The Door was stopp'd up and having con- 
fess'd his imprudent Zeal in Publick as we were at Table, we 
became quiet again and were calm'd. None doubt'd but that from 
this Flight considerable Harm for us all and for the Mission could 
have followed. 

Father Fabre had beseech'd our Chínese Friar, Gregory Lo, 2 to 
go to visit his Flock and to consolé them ; and he had walked 400 
Leagues for this Purpose and at our Expence. Then, for some 
Reason, during this same streight period, the Jesuits changed their 
Minds, and decided that four Fathers of theirs, Brancati, Fabre, 
Ferrari, and Gabiani, should go themselves. And this was 
decided so privily from us Friers that we almost knew nothing of 
it until the Project fell through. The Case was that on the Evening 

1 Span. Anocheció y no amaneció ; a popular phrase, the English equivalent of which 
is 'to do a moonlight flit'. 

2 The Dominicans were proud of their foresight in having ordained a native who 
was now able to move about the country since he was not included in the ban on 
the foreign missionaries. Some Jesuits, however, had been against his ordination, 
according to Navarrete, because they had had unfortunate experiences with their 
own native lay brothers. After the ordination of the Chinese Jesuit, Siqueira, this 
opposition declined (C 265-6, 287, 433). Even now, during the persecution, some 
Jesuits were unwilling that the Chinese friar should attend their Christians 
(T 144), though others, e.g. Gama, praised him. See also Father Magalháes's letter 
of praise, published by Biermann, 'Fr. G. López OP'. For Lo's life, see J. M. 
González, OP, Biografía del primer obispo chino . . . Fr. Gregorio López OP (Manila, 
1946). Gama's letter is at ARSI JapSin 162, f. 241. 



before they were to depart, the Mandarines came to take our 
Ñames and to count us all. From this they realized their Design 
was imprudent; had it been done it is certain that greater Hurt 
would have followed than from that first Case I recounted. In the 
end Friar Lo made his Visit and it is known that these Christians 
remained consoled and comforted, and that tho, up to the time I 
left, he still had two more Provinces to visit, he had already 
baptiz'd 2556 ; and later more. 

Until a Year and three Months pass'd no one of us left the 
House, and after that very little, and I more than any of the others 
tho always in a closed sedan-chair and hid from Sight. And then 
Father Lubelli, who was the Parish Priest of Cantón, began to go 
out and to serve his Christians. Sundays and Holydays he went to 
say Mass for the Wives of the Negros ; these latter, repairing them 
selves to our House. But some of his Colleagues censured him for 
this and out of Fear they prevented him from attending his 
Converts whom they oblig'd, if they were ¡U, to be carry'd to our 
House for Confession. 

The second Stage of the three I mention'd, began with our 
Visit to the Petty King [Shang K'o-hsi] upon St John's Day in 
1668 [24 June]. 1 Then we began to enjoy some Sort of Relief and 
to go out of the House upon Occasion although with Prudence. 
It was in this period of time that Father Prosper Intorceta, having 
been elected Procurator General of the Jesuits in the China 
Mission, left our Detention with the Leave of his Superior, to go 
to Macao. After he writ us how, upon the Road thither, he had 
three great Risks of being recognised. He took with him a good 
Christian Chínese, a Primer of Books, by ñame Paul. In Goa, 
later, I heard that this Man had returned thence to his Country. 2 

The third Stage began in October 1669, when the Emperor's 
Order concerning us came down from Peking. Thenceforwards, 
our going to Macao depended Entirely upon our own Will. For 

1 The 'Petty King' is undoubtedly the P'ing-nan-wang, or 'Prince who pacifies 
the South', Shang K'o-hsi, (Fu, 'Two Embassies', 78 ; Hummel, 11, 635-6). 

2 Navarrete omits to say that Intorcetta's place was taken by a volunteer from 
Macao, so that, since the number of prisoners remained the same, there was com- 
paratively little danger of his absence being discovered. For gossipy details about the 
election of this Jesuit Procurator, see C 606. He was elected in October 1666. 


1666-9] CANTON 

this we joined all together, to see if we would go thither. And 
since not a few wanted to leave there, we treated the Point with 
John Li Pe Ming, who was our Confidant and he reply'd, 
'Fathers, if you wish to go to Macao, the Business will be settled 
upon your saying the Word.' 1 For it was plain and evident to the 
Mandarines that we were going to that City, and not back into the 
Interior of the Kingdom. And in all this time we were not seen 
ñor visited by a single Mandarín. We were free for months and the 
Mandarines did not remember us. Every day six of us went 
walking a-broad by the River ; and whoever wish'd could leave 
the House. 

In no one of these Stages was there a Person who went to any 
Township or Village, or Farmhouse outside of Cantón City, 
where the great Number of Christians are Negros. There is not a 
single Christian, ñor has there been, in the Villages, except in 
that large Village called Foxan [Fo-shan] four Leagues from 
Cantón, where there was a single House to which I once went, 
because Friar Lo was there. 

Spanish and Portuguese Books were read to us while we were 
at Table and when the Meal was over the Lector, standing, would 
read the Martyrology also in Spanish. 2 And at the end, if some 
Father renown'd for his Piety among the Jesuits had died upon 
that Day, his Elogy would be related. All of which seem'd to 
me to be excellent. Upon the i ith of May in that flrst Year [1666] 
reading the Elogy of Father Mathew Ricci, they crowned this by 
adding that the Christians of China had writ a Letter to His 
Holiness, begging him to canonize that Father. This seem'd well 
enough to us, although the Means were not thought efficatious. 
But what was most strange was that the next two Years, reading 
the same Elogy they pass'd over in Silence the Business of that 
Letter without making any Mention of it again ; to this day I've 
not found the Reason for this Change. 

At Table the Life of the Most Reverend Lord Alonso Méndez, 
[Jesuit] Patriarch of Ethiopia, was read out to us, and upon my 

1 For John Li Pé-ming, see Pfíster, 291 ; SinFran m, 105, 325. 

2 The Martyrology is a collection of brief Uves of the martyrs and saints com- 
memorated on each day of the Christian year. 



Word, his Chronicler all but put him beside Sts Peter and Paul, 
as anyone who reads that Life will see. I put here a Clause out of a 
Letter he writ from Goa to Propaganda Fide in Rome (they have 
it there still, and both Friar John Baptist Morales and I have seen 
it). He said, translated into Castilian, 'These idiot Friars with 
their Rashness are gradually ruining the China Mission as they 
did that of Japan, where, while the Jesuit Fathers with their great 
Learning and Prudence were alone, all was at Peace.' 1 

Other than this, in Cantón we had read to us (and I myself 
read) Fr Gouvea's 'History of China', some things of which I 
copied. 2 I should rejoice greatly were that 'History' of his pub- 
lish'd ; for in it may be read some of what I myself write. 3 ) 

The Dispute with Macao prov'd very dangerous for that City, 
for the Chineses were about destroying it, and bring all the in- 
habitants into Cantón. The News from the Court was various 
and confused ; the Opinions of the Missioners very opposite to 
one another as to the event of our AfFair. Some, with good reason, 
thought it was ended, since we were banish'd by the Emperor's 
Orders. Others fancy'd it would come to nothing, and we should 
all soon be restor'd to our Churches. In this confusión we pass'd 
our time in Study and Prayer ; our Life as to the World being sad 
and dismal, but happy with regard to God, for whose Faith we 
had lost our Liberty. 

12. A Year and half after there carne to Macao an Ambassador 
from Goa, as from the King of Portugal. 4 He was brought into 

1 This ticklish subject is discussed in C 32-5. 

2 For Gouveia, see Pfister, 220-3 • The 'History' remains unpublished ; on his 
Asia Extrema see M. de L. Belchior Pontes, 'A Asia Extrema do P. Gouveia', 
Revista da Faculdade de Letras de Lisboa, xxn (1956), 5-20. 

3 T 37, 79; C 32, 61, 64, 89, 109, 246, 256, 604-5, 6 °9» 63 3, 656-7. 

4 One of the reasons for this embassy was to plead for the inhabitants of Macao ; 
there is a considerable literature upon the affair; see, for instance, Fu, 'Two 
Embassies' ; C. R. Boxer and J. M. Braga, A Embaixada de Manuel de Saldanha 
(Macao, 1942) ; D. R. Pires de Lima, A Embaixada de Manuel de Saldanha (Lisboa, 
1930) ; L. Petech, 'Some Remarks on the Portuguese Embassies to China in the 
K'ang-hsi Period', T'oung Pao, xliv (1956), 227-41 ; E. Brazao, 'The Embassy of 
Manuel de Saldanha to China in 1667-70', Boletim do Instituto Portugués de Hong 
Kong, 1 (1948), 139-62. Saldanha seems to have been the commander of the city of 
Olivenca, which after a feeble resistance surrendered to the Spanish in 1657, and as 
a punishment he was banished for the rest of his Ufe to India ; it was the Viceroy of 


1666-9] CANTON 

Cantón, meanly treated, and look'd upon as a sham Ambassador, 
upon which account there were some incidents and stories. He 
was brought sick, and his Secretary, one Companion and the 
Chaplain, saw the Governor, who commanded them to bow 
both Knees, and knock the ground with their Foreheads [Kow- 
tow] which was a great Affront. 1 The Governor enquir'd after 
the Ambassador's Quality, the Chaplain, thinking it a great 
Honour, said, He had been a Captain of Horse. The Governor 
laugh'd, and answer'd, 'My Servants are Captains of Horse, and 
some of them greater Officers.' And he was in the right. He sent 
them to the Metrópolis, with Orders they should be receiv'd 
within the Walls, and care taken of them ; they had a mean 
House assign'd them, and the Governor sent Advice to the 
Emperor. Tho this be notorious and publickly known, yet the 
following Year the Portugueses writ to Goa, giving an account 
that the Ambassador had been receiv'd with the greatest Honour 
in the World and that the petty King carne out himself to meet 
him, with his Galleys full of Musick, with Flags and Streamers, 
and had receiv'd him into them ; and that afterwards they lodg'd 
him in a sumptuous Palace, and much more to this effect. We 
stood amaz'd when we heard this Account afterwards but we 
could not discover the Author of the Report, tho he was shrewdly 
guess'd at. He that has seen such things will not be surpriz'd, tho 
they should write tomorrow that there is no such place as China 
in the Universe. Another strange Passage happen'd at the 
Imperial City : Some Letters from Europe carne thither by way of 
Macao ; one was for Father Francis Ferrari of the Society, a 
Savoyard, born at Coni; in it they told him that a Letter had 
been writ to the Duke of Savoy by order of Pope Innocent the 
Tenth, wherein his Holiness congratulated with him for having a 

Goa who took him up and named him Ambassador to China. See C. R. Boxer 
(ed.), Azia Sínica e Japónica (Macao, 1941-50), II, 77, n. 2. 

1 This story is also told at C 274, where Navarrete deals with the need to send 
Embassies to China, warning, however, that the Chinese regard Europeans much 
as these latter do the Indians, that is, as savages and 'Barbarians'. It took European 
Governments another two centuries to realize this fact (C. R. Boxer, 'Portuguese 
and Spanish rivalry in the Far East during the seventeenth century', JRylS (1947), 
pts. I, II, 99). 

F 235 


Subject in China, who was a great Favorite of the Emperor's, 
through whose means it was hop'd he and all the Empire would 
be converted to our Holy Faith. This was meant of the aforesaid 
Father Ferrari. He, who is a fine Religious, was astonish'd, and 
smil'd. He show'd the Letter openly, and we had good sport with 
it, knowing for certain he had never seen the Emperor, ñor even 
been within his Palace. How can it be found out who writ such 
an Invention? perhaps he who writ several other things Father 
Kircher relates, was the Author of all [i.e. Martini]. 

13. Let us return to our Ambassador. He design'd to visit the 
petty King, and then took into consideration what Respect he 
was to pay him. He sent a Message to us about it: Opinions 
vary'd ; mine was, that he should not contend about it, but sub- 
mit to what the petty King thought fit, taking it for granted that 
he would rather exceed than fall short in Civility. The Chineses 
are very obliging in this particular. He follow'd his own head, 
articled that he was to carry Colours, Trumpets, and many other 
things. They told us the Interview was fix'd for the next day ; I 
never could be perswaded it would come to any thing, because of 
the Observations I had stated. Next day he and his Family 
dress'd themselves very gay ; and when they were ready to set out, a 
message carne from the petty King, to tell him he was busy, and 
could receive no Visits. This was a great mortification, and was 
the reason that no Mandarine visited him. 

14. I profess'd my self his Friend in a particular manner and gave 
him good Advice. But he endur'd some Trouble and Affronts, 
and was detain'd two Years, during which time he was expensive 
to Macao, that City being at the Charge of the Embassy. Orders 
carne from the Emperor for him to go to Court, but the Present 
he carry'd, of which the Particulars had been sent up, seem'd very 
mean to the Emperor ; and yet to say the truth, it was worth above 
30000 Ducats. But a little before the Emperor had receiv'd a great 
one from the Dutch, which perhaps made this seem the less. The 
Ambassador prepar'd for his Journey, but before he set out, a ripe 
Passage hapned. The King of Portugal's Letter was read before 
the Supreme Governour (this was a new one, for his Predecessor 
had hang'd himself ) and the Viceroy ; when it was read, they took 


1666-9] CANTON 

notice, that the King of Portugal had not subscribed himself, 
your majesty's faithful subject. They ask'd the Ambas- 
sador how those Letters carne to be omitted, and he answer'd, It 
was not the Custom of Europe. 1 The Viceroy sent the Emperor 
word, and he order'd, that in regard the Ambassador had been so 
long there, he might go to Court, where they would examine into 
the Omission of the Letters. I had no account afterwards what 
carne ofit. Two Dutch Ships arriv'd there about that time. Advice 
was sent to Court, and immediately a strict Order return'd for 
them to be gone immediately, without buying or selling any thing. 
All Trade with Strangers was absolutely prohibited. The Cap- 
tain's Ñame was Constantin Noble ; he visited us, and design'd 
to return to Europe the following Year ; but I heard afterwards at 
Musulapatan, that he was dead, and had taken a Journey to Hell. 2 

<The Flemings among us took care to beg their copies of the 
Mercuries from the Hollanders ; all of them, and I too, read therein 
a thousand Things and Cases which had occur'd in France with 
the Jesuits ; things of which I had never before had even the 
slightest Notice. But Nothing surprized us then. 

Another day during our Recreation, they related the Hand that 
Cardinal Everard has in our Government, and how they have 
made him Inquisitor-General. 3 Whence they pass'd to boast that 
now the Society had all the Catholic Monarchs, the Emperor, the 
Kings of France and Portugal and the Favour of the Inquisitor- 
General of Spain. 

In my presence the Ambassador, Manuel de Saldanha, was 
ask'd about Father Vieira; and he answer'd with all clarity 
'Fathers, he is a Prisoner of the Inquisition in Lisbon.' From 
others I hear the same in divers Parts. 4 

1 The Viceroy, Chou Yu-te, was not impressed by Europe and reponed to the 
Emperor : ' We find very plainly that it is no more than only Two little Islands in 
the middle of the Sea' (Magalháes, 62). 

2 For Nobel's embassy to China, see Dapper, 203 ff. 

3 'Cardinal Everard' is the Germán Jesuit Nithard (1607-81), confessor and 
adviser of the Queen-Regent, Mariana; made Inquisitor-General, he was driven 
into exile by the opposition party, headed by Don John of Austria (1669); he 
retired to Rome, and died there. 

4 Antonio Vieira, the famous Jesuit preacher, Portuguese patriot and progressive 
thinker (1608-97), fell foul of the Inquisition and was jailed (1665-7). 



Whilst I was writing these Papers, 1 a Supreme Governour carne 
to Cantón, only for the time being, until the Proprietor could 
come from Court ; and the fírst Day he carne he distributed among 
the Poor 500 Bushels of clean Rice, which was a considerable 
Alms, and had been so from any Prince in Europe. It is certain 
the Chineses are charitable. All Men ought to be so. 

Upon St John's Day [24 June] in the Year 1668, the Petty 
King invited us to drink a Glass of Wine (so they term it). This 
was a mighty Kindness, in regard we were confin'd by his 
Emperor. We thought it not decent to go all of us, it was agreed 
four should go, and I was one of the number. We presently 
consider'd whether he would not have some sort of Sport, 
because it was then New years tide. We had a good Dinner, and 
some Musick, which oblig'd us to spend about six Ducats, and 
truly with much regret for our Stock was then very low. These are 
unavoidable Accidents; we could no way refuse so great an 
Honour, which besides procur'd us no small Ease and Enlarge- 
ment in our Confinement. Those who will behave themselves 
like Gentlemen, must take the Expence upon them, if they would 
have the Honour and Credit it brings along with it; but this 
requires a good Purse, which we Missioners want. 2 The Method 
the Mandarines use in order to perform properly their Duties, is 
well arranged. It is a clear case, they never go out of their Houses, 
unless it be to pay Visits, to Invitations from Persons of Note, and 
about the execution of their Office ; they don't use, as we do, to go 
abroad a walking, for Pleasure, or to take the Air. All their 
Diversions consist in some Treats, and Plays acted whilst they eat 
and drink ; upon which Occasions the Custom is thus. When the 
Guests are all come together, the principal Actor delivers a Book 
of several Plays to the Master of the House, who gives it to his 
chief Guest, to chuse the Play he likes best. He ñames it, and it is 
acted, which shows no small skill in the Actors. When the 
Play is ended, he that chose it pays for it, and gives some Silver to 

1 That is, during January 1668, since the outgoing Viceroy was discharged on 
30 December 1667; and his successor, Chou Yu-te, was appointed 30 January 
1668 (Fu, 'Two Embassies', 81). 

2 An aside at the Jesuit mandarins and their style of living. 


1666-9] CANTON 

the Waiters and Cooks. To say the truth they pay dear for their 
Dinner. Men of great Note will lay out 50 Ducats, others less, 
and some only Ten, or Twelve. The Chineses are great lovers of 
Plays, and the mischiefs they cause fall on them, but it is to be 
noted that in not a few things the Plays of China are less evil than 
those they present among the Catholicks of Europe. Firstly, in the 
Plays of China never a Woman has ever enter'd upon the Stage, 
ñor ever will ; for that Nation, such a thing would be the greatest 
Monstrosity in the World. If they were to see what takes place in 
our Plays there's no doubt they would be most gravely scandaliz'd. 
Now in China many of the Plays are represented in Honour of, 
and in Devotion to, different Idols, whence it follows that the 
only danger for a Christian in these Plays is that of Idolatry. But 
this danger is not equal in all Plays ; ñor is it certain in all Plays ; 
whereas here among us, there's the danger of falling into many 
Faults. In China, they never represent Love matters, Courtings, 
Concubinages, &c, for they would hold it for Sacrilege. In 
Europe these matters are ordinary, whence the Young of both 
Sexes study for worse things. Altho' in China some Women go 
to the Play, they are very withdrawn apart and hidden from the 
Men, so that no one dares even to lift his Eyes to see the Place 
where they are. But the Lewdness and Excess there is in this regard 
among us, is known and evident : whence it is to be inferr'd what I 
quote before, 'except in the matter of Idolatry, we are worse than 
the very Heathen'. 1 ) 

15. In October 1669 the Emperor's Order concerning us carne 
down, which made all despair of returning to the Mission. The 
Fathers at Court having seen the Emperor, found means to get 
some petty Kings and Counsellors to put in a Memorial in our 
behalf, which they did. 2 The Contents of it were, that our Enemy 
had accus'd Father Adam wrongfully, touching the Mathe- 
maticks : That the Christians were a good People : That during 
all that time none of them had made any Commotion, wherefore 
there was no cause to apprehend a Rebellion : That we who were 

1 T66,2i6; 0281-2,605,617, 6¿r;R22. 

2 For the end of the persecution, as seen by the Fathers in Peking, see the moving 
letter of Magalháes in Rougemont. 



banish'd to Macao, should be carry'd Prisoners to the Imperial 
City. (The design of this was, that we might stay in the Kingdom ; 
for when we were come thither, they design'd to propose, that 
since we were grown oíd, and many of us sickly, we might be 
sufíer'd to return to our Churches, to die there.) The three Fathers 
had before writ to us from Pe King, that all would certainly go on 
our side, and to the greater Glory of our Holy Faith. But Father 
Emanuel Jorge and I were of opinión it would not be so ; others 
held the contrary ; others again knew not what to think. 

<The Letter from the Fathers in Peking gave us to understand 
that our holy Faith would remain in that Kingdom as before, 
provided we did not speak evil of the Idols ñor of the other 
religious Sects there, but that we should leave them alone : thus a 
Petty King had told those Fathers. On divers other Occasions 
those Fathers had advis'd us to take great Care that it should 
not be known in the Imperial City that we were still in Cantón, 
fearing that once our detention in Cantón became known, they 
would order us to be sent to Macao ; for by then the DifFerence 
between the Supreme Governor and Macao City, which was the 
Cause we were kept in Cantón on our Arrival, was now settled. 
[C 209, 604]) 

A Copy of the Emperor's Order carne to our hands : I inter- 
preted it as the rest did, but none of us hit the right Sense. What 
was bad in it, could be understood in the main, at least. One day 
afterwards, as I was sailing to Europe, I look'd over and consider'd 
those Letters [Characters] again and with no little Surprize hit 
upon the meaning. On St Teresa's day [15 October] I overéame 
another DifBculty there was in that Paper. The Emperor's words 
were, 'J an §¡ Kuang Sien' (that was the Chinese's Ñame who 
prosecuted us) 'deserves Death, but in regard he is very aged, 
making use of our Magnanimity, and Bounty, we forgive him at 
present, and also remit the Penalty of Banishment to his Wife and 
Children' (when a Man is put to death his Wife and Children 
are banish'd). 'It is needless to bring those 25 that were sent to 
Macao back to the Court. As for the Law of the Lord of Heaven, 
Fr Verbiest and the other two [Magalhaes and Buglio] may 
follow it, as they have done hitherto. I am apprehensive lest they 

1666-9] CANTON 

should again build Churches in this or the other Provinces, or 
bring People over to the said Law, causing it to continué and 
propágate itself as before. Therefore let it be made known to them, 
that they are forbid preaching : as for the rest, let it be as it is in 
their Memorial.' 

16. We aftcrwards consulted among our selves, whether we 
should go to Macao, or stay there. The most were for going, be- 
cause for some time past our stay in Cantón had been free and 
dependent entirely on our own Will. Many thought it convenient 
to stay, that we might be nearer at hand, in case some Overtures 
should in process of time be made for restoring of us to our 
Churches; it was put to the vote, there were scenes and much 
noisy canvassing, so that nothing was resolv'd on. Then it was 
that I heard many things, and observ'd some others against 
the time when it shall prove useful and necessary to repeat them. 
Not all Truths are to be spoken, if no Benefit is to come of 
them. 1 

17. There had been already great Earthquakes, Towns were 
destroyed by Floods, Mountains divided, and there was a great 
Mortality One City was swallow'd up by the Earth. There was a 
Report, that a wonderful Dragón had dropt out of the Air : this 
News was sent into Europe, but it was false and a mere Fiction. 
An extraordinary Comet was seen for three or four Nights ; I was 
the fírst that saw it in our House, and it was seen at Macao, it 
pointed to the East. Soon after we all saw a strange Cross in the 
Air, but very perfect and compleat, the Head of it was to the 
East; every Night it continued a considerable time, and then 
vanish'd by degrees. The sad News was then come too of the loss 
of the missions of Tunquin and Cochinchina. 2 In the latter there 
were some famous Men who gave their Lives for the Love of God ; 
something shall be said of it in another place. 

1 Elsewhere (C 606) he claims that some Fathers opposed his proposal to ask 
permission to go to Macao lest they should all be sent with him ; this, he alleged 
(ibid. 434), displeased the older Jesuits who 'hated Macao College like the Devil' 
and found Ufe in China more agreeable and freer than conventual life. See also 
ibid. 427. 

2 For references to 'voluminous Jesuit documentadon' of this other persecution, 
see Rouleau, 'Siqueira', 28. 



18. We had receiv'd good and bad News from our Religious at 
Fo Kien. The Provincial Vicar [friar Varo] went out to assist 
some Christians ; the Servant that went with him was taken, and 
by that means they discover'd the Father. He was apprehended, 
and when I left China had been above six months in Prison. 
Afterwards I saw Letters, giving an account that he was carry'd 
to Cantón to join the rest, and that nothing further had been done 
against the Christians. I had some Comical Arguments with 
Father Gouvea; he was provoking, and said, 'That his Society 
had founded the Inquisition in Portugal; that our Inquisitions 
were much improv'd since they join'd with those of Portugal ; 
That the University of Salamanca gain'd reputation by its 
fellowship with that of Coimbra; That in Spain there is no 
devotion to the most Blessed Sacrament,' and other such fopperies. 
The Portuguese are Men bred in one comer of the World, 1 who 
have seen nothing but Lisbon and Goa, and pretend to know 
everything, whereas they err grossly in things as plain as the Sun. 
This Oíd Man was insufferable, I always shun'd him, and when I 
could not, thought it wisest to hold my peace. 2 

19. During all that time the Fathers of the Society manag'd the 
Expence of the House for they were more in number, they had 
more Servants, the House had been theirs, and it was convenient 
for us, especially because they were able to supply us when we 
wanted, wherein they were very kind, and did it with a great deal 
of charity, tenderness, and aífection, as I sometimes writ to the 
General of the Society and ours ; and should not I and my Com- 
panions own it, the stones themselves would make it known. But 
it is not fit some impertinent Person should take a fancy to write 
into Europe, as they say it has hapned, that those Fathers of the 
Society bore the whole Expense, and that we and the Religious of 

1 An echo of Seneca's 'Cum hac persuastone vivendum est: non sum uni ángulo natus: 
Patria mea totas hic munius est'. 

2 The main trouble between the two was nationalistic, for Gouveia was a 
patriotic Portuguese (ARSI, JapSin 162, f. 207). On other points, however, he 
and Navarrete, according to the latter, were in agreement, for Gouveia was doubtful 
about the propriety of some of the Rites, as well as about the Jesuits' style of living, 
and was critical of some of his colleagues ; cf. his remark that though he had to give 
the oficial 'Approbation' to Intorcetta's book he did it 'bursting' (T 3, 79, 81, 132, 
491, 499, 508 ; C 56, 107, 109, 300, 396, 63 3, 656, 665). 


1666-9] CANTON 

the Order of St Francis bore no part. I have no inclination to 
touch upon this particular, but it is fít the truth of the whole 
matter should be known, and I have the Accompts by me to this 
day. The Venerable Frier Dominick Coronado was some days 
in the Imperial City, he was taken out of Prison sick, and carry'd 
to the Church of the Fathers Magallanes and Bullo ; his distemper 
increas'd, and eight or ten days afterwards God took him. I am 
assur'd he was attended with extraordinary care and diligence. I 
coming afterwards to that Church, Father Bullo gave me the 
account of what was expended in Medicines, Physicians, and the 
Funeral, and acquainted me the Deceas'd had given them a very 
fine large Looking-glass, valu'd at fifty Crowns Silver in our 
Church, of Lan Ki, besides a Piece of Silver Filigreen-work, 
valued at six or seven Crowns more. It was afterwards propos'd to 
erect a Tomb to him, after the manner of that Country, for the 
building of which I gave Father Bullo all the Silver he ask'd. This 
does not agree with what Father Grelon writ, that those of his 
Order had taken nothing for the Medicines bought for that sick 
Man. My two Companions, three Servants and I continued in the 
Imperial City from the 28th of June till the 1 3th of September. 
During this time, bating Fish, Flesh and Wine, the Emperor 
allow'd all our Expence, as well as theirs ; so that we had Rice, 
Wood, Herbs, Oil, and that they cali Teu Fu in abundance 
brought in to us; so that when we went away the Fathers of the 
Society that remain'd behind were stock'd for a great while with 
Rice, Wood, Oil and Vinegar. Nevertheless, I sent them forty 
Pieces of Eight, which they receiv'd five or six Months after, being 
carry'd 600 Leagues at our Expence. Towards the Journey to 
Cantón I contributed thirty Crowns in Silver, of ten Ryals each. 
During the time of our Confinement we paid 35 Ryals Silver a 
head per Month. The Franciscan Frier Antony of St Mary paid 
at the same rate for himself. And when [the Chínese] Frier, 
Gregory Lo, of my Order, now Bishop of Basilea, set out from 
Cantón to visit all the Christian Plantations of the Society, I 
supply'd him with fifty Crowns, Frier Antony with twenty two, 
and those Fathers with only sixteen, with which Money he spent 
above two years in the Service of the Society, without so much as a 


Letter, or 'God reward you', from the Jesuit Superior. 1 I could 
write more, were I not asham'd to handle such things. I am very 
sure the Jesuit Fathers Fabre, Brancati, and Balat, would never 
mention these things. Certain I am we should not have spent the 
third part of this at our Churches. I would never take Pen in hand 
to write of such a Subject, were I not in a manner forced to it by 
the great Scrowls some Men have writ, perhaps trusting that they 
would not come to my knowledg. 

20. We had often Discussions during our Confinement, which 
was what we ought to do, both to spend our time well, and to 
agree and settle what we were to do for the future, if it should 
happen we were restor'd to our Churches. In the second Tome I 
shall treat of these and other Disputations that have been held in 
that Mission, it being so material a point. 

(Friar Antony of Saint Mary, the Franciscan, died upon 1 3th 
May 1669 and before he died the following happened: 2 since the 
Fathers of the Company had regretted greatly the Treatise he had 
wrote about the Veneration of the Dead by the Chineses, Father 
Manoel Jorge carne to me, for in all things I was on good Terms 
with friar Antony, and he inquir'd if the friar had given an 
explanation or reason for writing it. I told friar Antony this and 
he laught at it ; and afterwards when I had administered to him the 
holy oil of Extreme Unction, he in the presence of all, gave them 
all thanks for the charity they had used towards him; and he 
added, 'as for what I have written, I confirm it for I hold it to be 
true.' Nothing more passed than that and all remained silent. I 
assisted him, I confess'd him several times for his Death. I was left 
with instructions for disposing his Bits of Things : I sent a Lamp 
on his behalf to the Chaplain of the Nuns of St Clare in Macao, 
and other little Trifles I sent to the Friar Guardian of the Fran- 
ciscans ; I writ to his Provincial in Manila, giving him an account 
of what had happn'd and asking him to send 200 pieces of Eight 
to the Fathers of the Society for the Expense they had had, apart 

1 But in Peking the Jesuits gave Lo a servant, a mulé, and money for his travels 
(Rouleau, 'Siqueira', 31). 

2 For Santa María, one of the veteran friars of the China mission, see SinFran II, 


Plate XV. A Chínese funeral 

1666-9] CANTON 

from my Expenses who had remained in charge of everything. 
And I carry'd out all he ordered ; we said some Masses for his Soul 
and I kept his Spectacles with their little Tortoise Box, the which 
have serv'd me until this time. I was at the Burial which the 
Fathers arranged for him ; it was most Solemn for all the Gentle- 
men of the Portuguese Embassy then in Cantón also attended it. 
Now since friar Antony had seen how in the Funeral of the Jesuit 
Fathers Costa and Trigault those Tablets, or Tabernacles, used 
by the Heathen Chínese had been used, a thing he never lik'd, he 
had said, after receiving the Extreme Unction, 'Reverend Fathers, 
I beg you for the Love of God, do not use those Tablets in my 
Burial.' But when all was arranged for carrying out the Body we 
saw a Tablet upon an adorned Bier all set in order, and in front of 
this Tablet hung the Incense-Thurible from the Church so that 
the Bier on which the Cross was carry'd had no Thurible, but the 
other Bier had ; I confess this caused me great Distress, but I kept 
Silent. Afterwards, the Secretary of the Ambassador [Pereira de 
Faria] said to me, that when he saw the Tablet being used he was 
all for returning to his House and not accompanying the Body to 
its Burial, for the Matter seem'd very bad to him. ['Ends', 

1 On the Cantón episode see Appendix I below. The Tablets or Tabernacles 
referred to are the p'aiwei ('spirit-tablets') which were boards inscribed with the 
ñame of the deceased (shown at L in the illustrauon). When the character meaning 
'Spirit' was added to this inscription it was believed that part of the spirit of the 
deceased entered the funeral tablet which was, consequently, venerated. Henee the 
friars and some Jesuits (e.g. Gouveia) regarded them as superstitious ; other Jesuits 
(e.g. Brancati) did not believe they were. Later a compromise was attempted by 
inscribing the p'aiwei not with the character for 'Spirit' but with a Cross and the 
Anieles of the Creed. Perhaps the 'Spirit' ideogram was omitted from Santa 
María 's funeral tablet : in that case there would not, technically, be any superstition 
involved. There is discussion of the p'aiwei at C 396,486. 




i. It is requisite that all Missíoners and those who design to go 
over to those Countrys, should be well inform'd in these afFairs, 
that they may be provided against all things that shall occur. 
That wicked Jang Kuang Sien, so he was call'd, in the year 1659 
printed a Book in the Imperial City of Pe King, the Title of it 
amounts to this, Take heed of false Prophets (so I translated the 
Chínese Characters Pi Sie Lurí) ; all there lik'd my Versión, and 
to say the truth this is the genuine interpretation of those Words. In 
order to transíate the said Book into our Language, and the second, 
which shall be inserted hereafter, we had join'd four Fathers of the 
Society, one of the Order of St Francis [Antonio de Santa María] 
and I, and we all agreed to this following sense of it. 

(1) First Article: 'That Heaven has no other Principie but the 
Matter and Form, from which it naturally flow'd, without 
admitting any efricient Cause, distinct from the Heaven it self, 
to produce it.' 

(2) 'That what we Missioners cali the Lord of Heaven, is 
nothing else but one of the two parts which compose Heaven; 
which being so, it is not possible it should produce Heaven 
without the help of the co-part.' 

(3) 'That if Jesús is God, how can we say he is Man? And if he 
is truly so, who govern'd the Universe from Heaven during the 
3 3 years he was on Earth?' 

(5) 'That from the beginning of the World till an Emperor 
living in these days, there have past millions of years.' 

1 The major portion of this chapter has been omitted here. 


(6) 'That it is scandalous Christ should have no Father, since 
even brute Beasts have one.' 

(7) 'That there is neither Heavenly Glory, ñor Hell. That 
Heaven is nothing but the goods of this life ; and Hell only its 
evils and sufferings.' 

(13) 'That the visible Heaven is the beginning of all things, 
and there is no Lord above it, and therefore it ought to be ador'd 
as Lord.' (He handles this point at large in two places, and proves 
it out of their Confucius. Yet some Europeans would know more 
than the Chineses, of what relates to their own Sects.) 

(14) 'That we cali Heaven, God's Slave, whereas the Holy 
Chineses cali their Emperor the Son of Heaven.' 

(17) 'That we do not honour the Emperor, because he is the 
Son of a Slave, that is of Heaven.' 

(18) 'That we do not honour our Parents [Ancestors], because 
Christ had no Father.' 

(20) 'That any ordinary Man may be accounted King of the 
upper Región [Shang-ti], with more reason than Christ, who 
was crucify'd as a Malefactor.' 

(23) 'That the Books of the Law of God do not treat of Christ's 
Passion, because it was shameful ; but only of his Miracles, Resur- 
rection and Ascending to Heaven.' (He speaks in this place of the 
Books of the antient Missioners, not of those who have writ for 
forty years last past. Father Emanuel Diaz writ very much con- 
cerning the Passion of our Lord.) 

(27) 'That Father Mathew Ricci suppress'd the Passion and 
Death of Christ which he did to impose upon the People.' (It is 
plain that great Man had no such design.) 

(28) 'That we give Christians Crosses in token of rebel- 

(29) 'That we impose upon the Mandarines, and gain the good 
will of Mandarines with the Curiosities of Europe, more than the 
Truth of our Doctrine.' (Watches, Harpsicords, Looking-glasses, 
Prospective-glasses, Tweezers and other Presents, brought this 
Aflfront upon us.) 

2. These are the principal Points he mentions, but adds much 
more, using a great deal of Rhetorick and Artífice, which is 



sufficient to incline People who have no better Light, to believe it, 
dazzling their Understanding. 

It is very plain to see that none of these Accusations concerns 
Dominicans, Franciscans, ñor is there any mention of the King of 
Spain, America, or the Philippine Islands; so that People may 
look upon what they read of this nature, as mere fiction. 

3. They had before put out a little Book, of which mention has 
been made, and at which our Enemy was enrag'd, who immedi- 
ately printed another with this title, Po Te I, that is, 'as a faithful 
Subject I cannot forbear appearing and speaking the truth'. 1 
Among the rest he said in it, 

'That ours is a rebellious Law, and owns neither Parents ñor 

'That there are so many People at Macao in order to raise a 
Rebellion; and that to this purpose we have such and such 
Churches in China, where Father Adam accepted the Office of 
a Mandarine, that he might disperse the Fathers throughout all 
the Provinces.' 

'That we creep in and out of China, sneaking along in soft 
shoes, and no one knows our intention, so well-wrapped are they.' 

'That by degrees we take Draughts of the fifteen Provinces, and 
inquire into the Number of Soldiers, Strength, &c.' 2 

4. Not one of all these Articles is particularly charg'd upon 
Franciscan, Dominican or Spaniard. He speaks against the 
Portugueses, and their City Macao ; so that all Men will be satisfy'd 
that we Spaniards and Friars shar'd in the Persecution passively, 
and not actively ; and that the Chineses bear no particular hatred 
to the Castilians, as some have written and given out. 

5. Before I conclude this Chapter, I must in this place take 

1 Presumably a reference to a pamphlet published in 1663 by a convert, Li 
Tsu-po, claiming that the Chinese were a branch of the human family who had 
migrated from Judea ; that originally they had worshipped God but this worship 
had been lost in the past and Father Ricci had revived this ancient faith (Hummel, 
11, 890). Seealso Rougemont, 135 ; 'Ends', f. 531:. 

2 ' When the Persecution began the Jesuit Fathers gathered up the copies of the 
"Athknte" of Father Martini that had been carry'd there, fearing, as well they might, 
that should one reach our Enemy, it would suffice to finish us all, for all the 
Provinces ofthe Empire were delineated therein' (C 34). 



notice, that among the Chínese Sects, whereof I said something 
in the Second Treatise, there is one more which is convenient to 
be known. 1 The Founder of it was born at King Hoa in the 
Province of Fo Kien, his ñame was Ling, and it is about 136 
Years since he laid the Foundation of it. The Temples of it are 
call'd 'Of the Three Legislators'. 2 This Sect unites and incor- 
porates the three principal Sects of China, which are those of the 
Learned, the Idolators and the Sorcerers, whose Origin is in 
reality the same, tho they express it after several manners. The 
Learned Chineses agree to this. Father Longobardus proves it 
sufficiently and Father Riccio does not dissent, as shall be proved 
in its place. 3 On the Altars of this Sect are placed the Images of 
the three Legislators, Confucius, Lao Zu and Foe; this last as a 
Guest and Stranger is in the middle. Whilst I was in China a 
Christian of the Imperial City writ a Book, the Design whereof 
is to unite and incorpórate our Holy Law with those three we have 
spoken of ; they all tend to the same end, says he. 4 

1 T 80-91, deals with the religions of China, beginning: 'Tho there be 3,000 
Sects in China, yet all of them being deriv'd from and reducible to three, so all the 
Temples and other things pertaining to them, are reduced to the same Origináis.' 

2 A reference to the saying 'the three religions are all one' (Richard, 353). 

3 For Longobardi see Pfíster, 58-66, and Introduction, pp. xliv-v above. 

4 On this, see Introduction, p. Ixix above. 




i. The Fathers of the Society very well knew my Intention to go 
out of Cantón, because I had made it known upon several 
occasions, and had writ about it to their Father Visitor, Luis de 
Gama, who was at Macao, giving him sufficient Reasons for my 
going to see him. 1 This my Resolution being known, the Fathers 
consulted whether my going away might be prejudicial or hurtful 
to them, as Father Lubeli told me. They and I both knew it 
would not, rather it was a gain to them, for they brought in 
another of their own Fathers in my place as I was afterwards in- 
form'd, and I had my self urg'd before. What made me most eager 
to be gone was, that the Jesuit Father Intorceta had left for Rome 
the Year before, after the Disputations we had held; and there 
being many Points discussed in which I and others could not 
agree, I was troubled that I also could not go to Manila to confer 
with my own Superiors; for to manage this Business by Letter 
would be never-ending. On my Way I also design'd to discourse 
with the Jesuit Visitor upon the same Subject, and to propose a 
compromise about some of the Matters betwixt us. Frier Antony of 
St Mary, a Franciscan, desir'd the same. But afterwards at Macao 
I cool'd in this Design, on account of some Tales and Stories that 
I heard there. 

Having consider'd the Business, which was not easy to carry 
out, tho there was no difficulty in beginning it, and having com- 
municated my Design to Persons of undoubted Reputation, I set 
about my Aim and I made use of a Christian Chínese Merchant 
who was a not very considerable Person. The time being fix'd and 

1 The 'Visitor' is a general superior over a whole área; for this much criticized 
departure from the Cantón detention, see Appendix I below. 



agreed upon, I went out very cunningly upon pretence of visiting 
the Ambassador [Saldanha] which was easily credited, because I 
often did so. 1 Being come to the Christian merchant's House, 
some Portuguese friends visited me that evening, but nothing was 
done that night. Before break of day we went into a Passage-boat, 
which sail'd at Sun rising with so fair a Wind, that by noon we 
had run ten Leagues [down the Pearl River]. We stop'd at a 
Village, where we lay that night tho very uncomfortably, for the 
Weather was very cold, and the Room was such that we could 
see the Stars through seventeen several places; there we staid for 
the Passage-boat till noon. All the Country is cut across with 
Rivers and Creeks, so that there seldom wants Boats. 2 We found 
a very great one, and full of People, which I liked little at that 
time. They took me in and the Commander immediately carne out 
to receive me, put me into his Cabin, and made very much of me. 
2. The Ebb carne on, and our Vessel stuck upon the Owse so we 
were oblig'd to stay for the Flood and 'twas all Poison to my haste 
and impatience. We carne to the Town Hiang Xan Ngao 
[Hsiang-shan] which is the Capital of the Island in which Macao 
stands. Abundance of Soldiers were about there, they all look'd 
at me, and I pass'd through between them more afraid than 
asham'd, till I got into an Inn. 3 The next day I did not travel for 
want of a Sedan chair and it was God's Mercy, for I must of 
necessity have met with the Mandarine, in charge of Macao, who 
carne thither that day with an hundred Chairs and some Horses. 
Tho the days are so short in December, yet this seem'd to me a 
whole Year. The next day we set out by Land, I was easily known 
in that Country, so that I was not a little afraid, especially because 
all intercourse with Macao was cut off. The Christian was a bold 
Man, and attempted any thing tho never so rash and I follow'd 
his opinión, tho with some reluctancy. At the midway there was 
a Company of Soldiers in a House, and just opposite to them the 
Christian took up his resting-place ; the same did the Chairmen 
who carry'd me, following his Example. I was much troubled at 

1 It was the night of 9 December 1669 ('Ends', f. 52). 

2 This is the estuary of the Pearl and West Rivers. 

3 The whole área was heavily guarded, especially after 1664 (Fu, 'Two Embassies', 




it, being in great fear but no body carne to look into the Chair. At 
another place, where there were Inns, we eat, tho I did so within 
my Chair because the foregoing Year Father Intorceta had been 
recognised there, and I was afraid the same might happen to me. 
I went away to a Village, where I waited 2 days awaiting means 
to get over ; during that time I scarce ate or slept. They put me into 
a Straw-loft to secure me against the Soldiers, where I lay in great 
fear and consternation. We resolv'd, due to my impatience, to 
travel two Leagues by night to another Village, to seek some 
conveniency there, but the Gates were shut, and a Guard within ; 
we waited two hours to have them open'd; it was then the i7th 
of December; I was hot and weary with walking. We saw a light 
in a little House without the Gate, and I ask'd for some Water ; I 
drank near a Pint, and wonder it did not kill me. Besides this we 
were in no small fear of the Tigers. We got into the Village, hir'd 
a cióse Sedan, went down by-ways to the Shore, that we might 
cross over from thence to Macao, which was about half a League 
by Sea. I saw Macao, heard the Bells, but was forced to turn back, 
because all about was full of Soldiers : I absolutely despair'd of 
getting over, and return'd to the Straw-loft. The Christian was not 
discourag'd in the least, tho he had not liked that days Journey 
which had been my contriving, and rash and foolish. That after- 
noon a Vessel that the Chínese had ingag'd the day before, carne 
near to where we were : Because it had delayed its coming half a 
day beyond the time arranged I had thought the Infidels would 
not keep their words ; that was the reason we had returned to the 
Straw-loft. We went aboard at night-fall, and rowing as still as 
might be we pass'd by the Guards that were along the shore. Then 
the wind carne ahead, which put us into some fear and the little 
Boat took in Water ; tho we laded it out continually, yet we could 
not keep our selves in safety. It pleased God we landed at nine of 
the Clock that night at the Captain General's Door. Because I 
would not disturb the Monastery, I went to a Friend's House, 
where they were amaz'd to see me. I carne weary, thin, and hungry, 
and all was well when I found my self free and among Catholicks ; 
this was on the i8th of December, on which day dy'd Brother 
Reyes [Manoel dos Reis] the famous Procurator of a Monstery in 


that City, who had been the cause of great Troubles and Disorders 
there. No body lamented his Death, and as the Captain General 
[Alvaro da Silva] told me, he left above 50000 Ducats from 
Business outside the monastery. 1 A considerable History might 
be writ of this Man, perhaps we may give hints of some small 
Particulars later. The next day my Arrival was publickly known, 
by means of some Chineses who had seen me on the other side ; 
several Judgments were made upon it, some for, some against me, 
and some indifferent; certain Priests [the Jesuits] particularly 
declar'd against me, which made me backward in communicating 
some Points concerning the Mission with them. I was visited by 
Persons of Note, and the Superiors of Religious Orders. <I 
received two visits from the Very Reverend Father Visitor Luis 
de Gama. I brought Letters of the Portuguese Ambassador in 
Cantón and from his Secretary ; in these they confess'd they ow'd 
more to me alone than to all the rest. There are two Ecclesiastical 
Jurisdictions in Macao ; that of the Bishop, from which as a 
Regular I am exempt; and that of the Holy Inquisition, of which 
I am also exempt for that I have never been delinquent in the 
Eyes of that Tribunal, thanks be to God ; so in Macao I was 
neither hiding, ñor hidden by my Order. [C 609]) I contracted a 
particular Friendship with Don Alvaro de Sylva, Captain- 
General of those Forts, which prov'd very advantageous to me. 
He made much of me, fítted me out, found me convenient 
Shipping, and join'd me in a Mess with some worthy Friends of 
his, most excellent Persons. 2 

1 Earlier friars (cf. Maggs Brothers Catalogue No. 515, Bibliotheca Asiática 
(London, 1929), pt. ni, 28, 33) describe the Jesuits' Macao College as having a 
general store attached to it in which the Fathers might be seen serving customers. 
Similar complaints were made from America and one writer, concentrating on their 
economic and commercial organization, compares the Jesuits to modern chain- 
store merchants (B. W. DifEe, Latina American Civilization (Harrisburg, 1947), 585). 
On the other hand, many of these and similar complaints were based on a mis- 
understanding of the Jesuit posiuon: see the explanauon of how necessary trading 
was to their mission, in Boxer, Fidalgos, 169-72. In any case, prívate enterprise of 
this sort was not entirely a Jesuit monopoly and P. Carré ( The Travels of the Abbé 
Cañé, ed. C. Fawcett and R. Burn (London, 1947). 93, 213-14) met a Dominican 
smuggling jewels back to Europe from China. 

2 Other opinions about da Silva differed: reports in COA (Moncóes, No. 36, 



3. The Governor of the Bishoprick, 1 formerly my intimate 
Friend, and now a profess'd Enemy, doubtless for some good and 
holy Considerations, endeavour'd to do me a mischief with the 
Captain-General, putting him in mind of what others had quite 
forgot, which was, that through my means that City had been 
about submitting to Manila ; which he altogether imputed to me ; 
there he said I was a Traitor to the King of Portugal, and the 
Peace having not yet been proclaim'd there, it was enough to 
breed ill Blood. 2 The Captain-General answer'd admirably, 
saying, 'He is no Traitor, but a very loyal Subject to his King ; to 
endeavour the delivering of this City to his King, was a good 
piece of Service. If I could deliver Badajoz to my King, would it 
be Treason, or a good Service done my King?' 

The Diocesan Governour next us'd his Endeavours with the 
Government of the City not to let me go but they answer'd him 
with a Letter the Ambassador's Secretary had writ to them from 
Cantón declaring that Macao City was very much oblig'd to me 
for the Service I had done the Ambassador and Embassy in 
Cantón, which was very true. 3 And the Ambassador himself 
writ thence to the Captain-General of Macao to the same eífect, 
so that Frier Emanuel de Angelis [dos Anjos] was very much 
put out. 

My Design being only to go over to Manila, I agreed with some 
Sea-men of Siam, to whom I deliver'd Books, Clothes, some 

ff. 286-7) dated December 1668 and December 1670, describe him as tyrannical 
and unscrupulous. 

1 The 'Governor of the Bishoprick', or Vicar-General, was a Portuguese 
Augustinian friar, Miguel dos Anjos. Once again the trouble was nationalistic ; 
dos Anjos, as a Portuguese, sided with Jesuits rather than with a Castilian friar. 
But he was also angered by Navarrete's being protected by the Captain-General, 
for he and the Governor vvere unfriendly to each other (C. R. Boxer, A Propósito 
dum liurinho xilográfico dos Jesuítas de Pequim (séctilo XVIII) (Macao, 1947)). Little is 
known ofthe bellicose dos Anjos who died in 168 1 (Doannentacao, xn, 61). 

2 The Macao merchants had already been hit by the loss of the Japanese trade ; 
the prospect of the closing of trade with the Philippines after the break with Spain 
at the Restoration alarmed the merchants still more; it was they chiefly who 
favoured surrender to Spain through the Governor ofthe Philippines. 

3 The Secretary to the Embassy was Bento Pereira de Faria who, unlike the 
majority of local Portuguese, was hostile to the Jesuits, perhaps because as a 
merchant he resented, and suffered from, their trading activities. 



Baggage, and a few other Curiosities, for them to carry to Siam, 
whence I was to cross over to the Philippine Islands. But when 
they reached Malaca the Dutch would not consent to their going 
forward and so I have heard no more of those things since, and it is 
most likely that all I sent is lost. 

4. On the nth of January the Captain-General carry'd me 
aboard the Ship, 1 where though I thought my self free from im- 
pertinent People, I yet had a great deal to go through. One thing 
I was much surpriz'd at in Macao, and had it not been told me by 
one of the gravest Citizens I had not believ'd it. Vasco Barbosa 
de Meló, who is known to be honest, well born, and a good 
Christian, told me, that the foregoing Year 1668, some Persons 
[Jesuits] had published signed Certificates, that we Friers had 
ruin'd the Mission of China, and were the cause that Macao had 
no Trade or Commerce. As to the last Point, I do not concern 
my self with it, because it belongs not to me: let others look to it. 
Alexander VII, Clement IX, and X have issu'd their Bulls, 
repeating what Urban VIII order'd in his Bull of 163 3, be it for 
these or those. 

5. The manner of obtaining those Certificates, makes the thing 
yet more foul and criminal. Vasco Barbosa who attended the 
Ambassador [Saldanha] two Years in Cantón, and knowing the 
background of this business perfectly well, asked the Judg who 
had sign'd those Certificates, 'How carne you, Sir, to sign such a 
thing, when you so well knew the contrary?' He answer'd, 'Mr 
Vasco Barbosa, I was sick in Bed, and somewhat cast down ; two 
priests, who shall be unnamed, carne to me and said, "Sir, we 
bring you some Papers of small consequence; you must sign 
them," and I, Sir, sate up and sign'd without reading them for 
who would imagin that such Men should impose upon me.' (I 
bring God to witness, that what I have writ is true.) I then said to 
Vasco Barbosa, 'Sir, who was most to blame in this affair? The 
Gentleman who did not read what he sign'd, or they that tendred 
him the Papers, desiring him to sign them?' Doubtless the latter: 

1 Father Gama mentions the departure of this vessel, but makes no reference to 
Navarrete's boarding her ('Diary', published by J. F. Marques Pereira as 'Urna 
resurreicao histórica . . .' Tci'Ssi'Yang'Kuo, 11 (1901), 756). 



(ist) because they sin'd deliberately and designedly; (2nd) 
Because they sin'd maliciously; (3rd) They deceiv'd in a matter 
of consequence, and to the detriment of a third Person; (4-th) In 
regard they were Priests; (5th) Because of the motive and end, 
which could be no other than worldly Honour and vain Glory ; 
(óth) Because they were the efficient forcing cause that the Judg 
sin'd; (7th) Because of the scandal caused by such proceedings; 
and if the matter be further look'd into, other deformities will 
appear. The Layman may alledg many excuses, and the Reader 
may reflect on them, without my inserting of them here. 

6. Knowing this case, I thought it requisite and necessary to 
prepare my self to make a defence against these allegations as is 
Natural and no doubt in many cases we are bound to it, 'lest 
Silence seem to imply guilt'. Besides, this allegation being pre- 
judicial and dishonourable to a whole Religious Order [the 
Dominicans] the defence is more absolutely necessary. 

7. For these reasons I obtain'd fourteen Certifícales from the 
Clergy, Superiors of Orders, the Captain-General, and others of 
the principal Men of that City, who all upon Oath testify and 
declare, who in fact were the cause that the Missions of Japan, 
China, Tunquin, and other places in the East were lost. I had 
Duplicates made of the said Certifícates and one parcel I later 
deliver'd to the Holy Congregation of Propaganda Fide, by order 
of Cardinal Ottoboni ; another parcel I have by me, beside an 
authentick Copy taken at Rome. If any curious person pleases to 
read them, I will lend him them very freely. 1 

8. As for the Mission of China, I will write the matter of fact 
briefly, as all Men own'd it who were there when the Persecution 
began. When they told us the news of our Banishment in the 
Imperial City, Fr Gouvea said to Fr Canevari (I being by at 
the same time) 'Fr Matthew Ricci brought us into China by 
the Mathematicks, and Fr John Adam now banishes us by his.' 

9. Fr Gouvea discoursing with me at Cantón, told me, That the 
foreigners in his Society, who were in China, had ruin'd the 

1 The collection of such affidavits was part of the vigorous campaign conducted 
by the Jesuits and friars, as each sought to lay the blame for the persecutions upon 
the other's mistaken evangelizing technique. 



Mission. Another time he explain'd himsclf further, and told me 
plainly, That their French Fathers had been the cause of it: And 
perhaps it was because of the división there was among them 
about Superiors, a little before the Storm aróse. Father Humbertus 
Augeri talking with me concerning this Point, said: 'What have 
we French done? Our want of unity and mutual love, has ruin'd 
this Mission.' Father James Favre who was Superior at that time 
told me, 'When I was at Court I perceiv'd that when Father 
Adam dy'd, there would rise a great Persecution. I look'd upon it 
as certain, and so I writ to our Father General.' The Fathers 
Canavari and Balat imputed the Presecution to the Law of God's 
being imperfectly preach'd in that Kingdom. (Father Canavari 
said in my Presence, 'In China our Faith is but glew'd on with 
Spittle.' [C 214, 432]) Besides this all the Fathers of the Society 
several times said in my hearing, that the little Book the four 
Fathers who resided in the Imperial City, had publish'd, was the 
only cause of all that disaster. 1 

10. Our Chínese Enemy [Yang Kuang-hsien] in his Memorials 
quotes Father Adam, and charges him as has been writ [in 
Chapter XV]. He quotes Father Matthew Ricci his Books, and 
others of the Society. The books prohibited by the Rites Tribunal 
were all writ by Jesuits. The Emperor's Edict expressly ñames 
Father Adam, and Father Verbiest, and their two Companions 
[Fathers Buglio and Magalhaes], and no other except Frier 
Antony of St Mary, and that was not because he was a Franciscan, 
but because his ñame was the first in the Paper and because he 
arrived in the Imperial City before any other of the Arrest'd 
Missioners. The Petition that was presented in our behalf was 
Father Adam's. The Dutch who went to Court after we carne 
from thence, and knew all that had hapned in their Mercuries, 
mention none but those of the Society. The Mathematicks, 
whence the dispute sprung, were cultivated by the Society, not by 
us Dominicans or the Franciscans. The Presents that were offer'd 
1 Verbiest (333) commented : 'One could think F. Navarrete has very long ears 
seeing that he was able to hear from such a distance away ! . . . But I think his 
tongue is still longer. . . .' Yet Navarrete's point is clear enough, though he is 
writing loosely : he means he heard this from all the Fathers in the Cantón detention 
with him. 



in China, with which our Enemy says we infatuated the Chineses, 
were given by those Fathers of the Society, not by us Friers who 
had scarce Bread to eat. Who but the Society has made use of the 
Chínese Learning in the Books of the Law of God, which our 
Enemy says we do to palliate our ill Doctrine? 

11. Did not the fírst imprisoning begin with Father Adam and 
the other three in the Imperial City? It must be understood that of 
Eleven there were then of my Order in China, only four went up 
to Court. One [Coronado] fell sick to death in Prison, he was 
taken out from thence with leave from the Judges, and carry'd to 
the Church of Father Magallanes [Magalháes] who was then in 
it, where a few days after he gave up the Ghost. 1 We three carne 
afterwards, the Judges never put any questions to us. Now how 
are we Friers brought into this Business, except to sufTer? to lose 
all we had, and to leave our Christians expos'd to our Enemy? 

12. It may be urg'd that those of the Society have since contriv'd 
to return to their Churches, and therefore do deserve much praise 
and honour. I say it is most just that they should have all praise 
and honour for that was an excellent action, and sutable to their 
zeal ; yet it does not detract from the truth of what I have written. 
It is well known there were no Dominican, Franciscan, ñor 
Augustinian Missioners in Tunquin, Cochinchina, and other 
parts, so that the loss oí those Missions cannot be imputed to them. 
I shall say somewhat upon the point of Persecutions in the 
Second Tome. Leaving aside several Stories I heard at Macao 
during my stay there, and other matters that were given me in 
writing before I put to Sea, it will be convenient in this place to 
make one particular Chapter of the City Macao. 

1 For Jesuit kindness to the sick friar and effbrts on his behalf, not detailed by 
Navarrete, see Verbiest, 325-30. 




1. I have hitherto observ'd, and will for the future, what the Holy 
Ghost says, 'Let a true word go before thee in all works' (Eccles. 
37, ch. 20), wherefore no Man need make a doubt of what I 
write, but ought rather to give entire credit to it. Cajetan says, 
'For it is most reasonable, that all credit be given to those who 
have not only seen, but whose duty it is to testify to others what 
they have seen.' As I am a Religious, Priest, Apostolical Mis- 
sioner and Preacher, tho unworthy in all respects, what I relate 
deserves and ought to be look'd upon as undoubted truth, es- 
pecially in regard I am an eye-witness. 

2. The Chineses from all antiquity had prohibited the admitting 
of Strangers into their Kingdom and Trading with them, tho for 
some years, Covetousness prevailing, they have sail'd to Japan, 
Manila, Siam, and other parts within the Straits of Sincapura, 
and of Governador in the Sea of Malaca, as I have observ'd 
before : but all this has always been an infringement of their 
antient Law, the Mandarines of the Coast conniving at it for their 
prívate gain. 1 This is the reason why when the Portugueses began 
to sail those Seas and to trade with China they had no safe Port 
there ñor any way to secure one. They were some years in the 
Island Xan Choang, where St Francis Xaverius dy'd; some 
years they went to the Province of Fo Kien, another while to the 
City Ning Po in the Province of Che Kiang, whence they were 

1 Many of the troubles between Macao and Peking were the result of scheming 
and self-interest on the part of the mandarins at Cantón, who made a handsome 
profit out of the official trade-post at Macao ; other trading, e.g. with Japan and 
Java, was carried on by Fukienese smugglers. It is this last that Navarrete accuses 
the mandarins of conniving at. 



twice expel'd, and the second time ill treated. They attempted the 
place where Macao now stands, but without success; they re- 
turn'd, and the Mandarines of Cantón sending advice to the 
Emperor, he order'd they should remain there undisturb'd, paying 
Tribute and Customs for their Merchandize. Thus they settled 
there, and had continued till my time the term of 130 years. Many 
of the Inhabitants of Macao say that place was given them because 
having undertaken the task they were then successful in expelling 
thence certain Robbers, who did much harm to the neighbouring 
Chineses ; and henee they infer that that Place is their own. The 
Chineses, however, disown this claim and so does the Tartar who 
is now Lord of China. 1 And if the Grant was upon condition 
they should pay Tribute and Custom for Merchandize, as they 
have always done, how are they owners there? At best they are 
like the Chineses, among whom no Man is absolute Master of a 
foot of Land. 

3. The place is a little neck of Land running off from the Island 
and so small, that including all within the Wall the Chineses have 
there, it will not make a League in circumference. In this small 
compass there are Ascents and Descents, Hills and Dales, and all 
is but Rocks and Sand. Here the Merchants began to build : The 
first Church and Monastery built there was of our Order, of the 
Invocation of our Lady of the Rosary, and the Portugueses still 
preserve it. 2 Afterwards there went thither Fathers of the Society of 
Jesús, and of the Orders of St Francis and St Augustin. Some 
Years after they founded a Convent of St Clare, and carry'd Nuns 
to it from that of St Clare in Manila : The Foundation was made 
without his Majesty's leave and he resented it when it carne to his 
ears ; and not without reason, for a Country of Infídels, and so 
small a footing is not proper for Nuns. That Convent has of late 
Years been a great trouble to the City. Before I proceed any 
further, I will here set down what was told me by the Licentiate 
Cadenas, a grave Priest of that City. When the Tartars conquer'd 

1 For the establishment of Macao, see Boxer, South China, xxxv-xxxvii; and for 
'fací and faney in the history of Macao', see Boxer, Fidalgos. 

2 For the history of the Dominicans in Macao see J. M. Braga, 'A Igreja de S. 
Domingos e os dominicanos em Macau', BEM, xxxvi (1939), 749-74. 



China, those Nuns fearing lest they might also come over into 
Macao, and some disaster might befal them, petition'd the City 
to send them to some other place. Having weigh'd and consider'd 
the Matter, they answer'd, 'That the Reverend Sisters need not be 
in care, for if any thing hap'ned, they would presently repair to 
their Convent with a couple of Barréis of Gunpowder, and blow 
them all up, which would deliver them from any ill Designs 
of the Tartars.' An excellent Method of comforting the poor 
afflicted Creatures l 1 

4. There are in the City five Monasteries, three Parish-Churches, 
the House and Church of the Misericordia, the Hospital of St 
Lazarus, and Jesuit Seminary; one great Fort, and seven little 
ones. 2 The Plan is very bad, because it was built by piecemeal. It 
was afterwards made a Bishop's See ; the first Bishop was of my 
Order, and till my time no other Proprietor had been consecrated 
to it. 3 It shall be argued in another place, whether that Lord- 
Bishop has a Spiritual Jurisdiction over all China, or not ; as also 
whether Tunquin and Cochinchina belong to him. At present it 
is certain they do not, for his Holiness has divided China into 
three Bishopricks, under whom are Tunquin, Cochinchina, and 
the Island Hermosa. And tho the Portuguese Resident at Rome 
oppos'd it, he could not prevail. 

5. That City throve so much with the Trade of Japan and Manila, 

1 For an account of the establishment in Manila of the parent-house of these 
Franciscan nuns, see Blair, xxn, 104-7 ; xxxv, 294-9 and the studies by L. Pérez 
and F. Lejarza in Archivo Iberoamericano, xvm (1922), 225-43 ; xvi (ns), (1956), 
42-60. The nuns in Macao were briskly dismissed by Hamilton (11, 116) as 
'devout Ladies, out of Conceit with the Troubles and Cares of the World'. If 
Navarrete is right, they had not yet escaped. After Portugal regained her indepen- 
dence from Spain (1640), the Spanish left Macao for Manila; the official order 
regarding the nuns' transportation to Manila, and commanding all proper treat- 
ment for them, is at COA, Livro dos Regimentos e Instrucóes, No. 4, fF. 67-8, 
dated 6 May 1643. For their subsequent history see A. Meersman, 'The chapter-lists 
of the Madre de Deus Province in India, 1569-1790', Studia, No. vi (1960), 165. 

2 On the Misericordia, 'one of the redeeming features of Portuguese imperialism 
in Asia', see Boxer, Ftdalgos, 217-20, and also J. C. Soares, Macau e a Assisténcia; 
panorama médico'social (Lisbon, 1950). 

3 Macao was raised to a Bishopric by Gregory XIII (Super specula militantis 
Ecclesiae) on 23 January 1576. But the question who was the first Bishop is not as 
clear as Navarrete suggests. The early history of the diocese is both confused and 
tempestuous (M. Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocese (Macao, 1940), n, 55 ff.). 



that it grew vastly rich, but never would vie with Manila, ñor is 
there any comparison between the two Citys for all their Analogies. 
I find as much diflference in all respects, betwixt them, as is 
betwixt Madrid and Vallecas (much the same as between London 
and Hammersmith*) and somewhat more, for the People of 
Manila are free, and those of Macao slaves [to the Chínese]. 

6. I take it for granted, that what Emanuel Leal de Fonseca, 
Knight of the Order of Christ, said in my hearing, upon Maun- 
day Thursday [1659] at night, in our Monastery of Macao, is 
certainly true, 'That the [Spanish] Governor of Manila had more 
Employments to give than the Portuguese Viceroy at Goa, even 
before the Dutch had taken so much from them.' 1 It is also certain 
that his Majesty has more Lands and Subjects in the Philippine 
Islands, than the Portugueses had sixty Years ago throughout all 
India. These things were unquestionable. 

7. The Trade of Japan failing, Macao began to decay ; and that of 
Manila ceasing, it almost fell to the ground. I was told so in that 
City, and it was visible in the Wants they endur'd. The Monas- 
teries which some Years before maintain'd 24 Religious, in my 
time with much difficulty and in poverty maintain'd three. So the 
two Tradesof Japan and Manila being at an end, theytook up with 
Sandal of Timor, Ateca of Siam, Rosamulla, Rota and such-like 
Commodities, which the Chineses bought, and they took Silks, 
Calicóes, and other Merchandize in exchange, which they sold at 
Siam and Macasar to the Spaniards by a third hand. 2 

8. Macao ever paid Ground-rent for the Houses and Churches 
to the Chínese, and Anchorage for Shipping. As soon as any 
Ship or Pink comes into the Harbour, a Mandarine presently 
comes from the Metrópolis, and takes the Gage of it, and receives 
the Duty according to his computation of the Burden. 3 When the 

1 The Dominican priory of Macao seems to have been a centre of pro-Castilian 
tendencies (Braga, 755-7). 

2 Ateca' is teak; 'Rosamulla' (analicé, Rose-mallows) is liquid Storax (Hobsoti' 
Jobson, 770 ; Hamilton, II, 122). 'Rota' is rattan (Dalgado, 11, 260 ; and cf. Hamil- 
ton, 11, 1 14 ; 'They make Bowls, Cups, and Tables of Rottans, and cover them very 
neatly with Lack of divers Colours, and gild them'). 

3 'The Forts are governed by a Captain-general, and the City by a Burgher, 
called the Procuradore, but, in Reality, both are governed by a Chinese Mandareen, 



Ship goes out, he takes the dimensions again, and receives fresh 
Custom. Every Year their Measures alter. Is this any thing like 
being absolute Masters of that Place? The Portuguese have lost 
what territories they had, and would appropriate to themselves 
what is none of their own. 

9. They complain and alledg in Cantón, (nay the Ambassador 
Emanuel de Saldanha said to my face), that our King employ'd 
all his Strength in the West-Indies, and sufTer'd the East to 
decline, because it belong'd to Portugal. But I confuted him with 
my answer, and said, fírst, If the King of Spain was Lord of Both 
Indies, and his Grandeur consisted in maintaining his Dominion 
from East to West, why should he sufFer that to decline which he 
possess'd as absolute Lord and Master? For that would be 
lessening his own Greatness, which he so much valu'd. 

10. Secondly, When Don John de Sylva was Governor of the 
Philippine Islands, [1609-16] his Majesty order'd all the Forcé of 
Manila and Goa should rendezvous at Malaca, and that the 
Governor and Viceroy should go aboard in Person, in order to 
fall upon Jacatra, and drive the Dutch quite out of India [1616]. 
Governor de Sylva carne with íive mighty Ships (and it is well 
known that one of these Manila Ships can defeat 5 or 6 European 
Ships) ; he brought also the best Men in the Islands, Ammuni- 
tion, Provisions, and all Necessaries. He arriv'd at Malaca, where 
he awaited the Viceroy of Goa two Years, but he is not come yet ! 
Don John de Sylva went away sad and troubled to Siam, where 
he was forced to fíght furiously some Ships of the Country and 
Japan. After which he dy'd for grief of the disappointment : 
many more dy'd and the rest returned to Manila, having been at 
vast Expence. All that ever spoke of this Subject say, that if his 
Majesty's Orders had been obey'd, the Dutch had infallibly been 
ruin'd and expell'd India. 1 

11. Thirdly, About the Year 1640, one Meneses, a Gentleman of 
Goa carne to Macao, in his way to Japan, whither he was going 
Ambassador. He proceeded no further, because of the ill success 

who resides about a League out of the City, at a Place called Casa Branca' 
(Hamilton, 11, 116). 
1 Costa (333-4) gives a more coherent versión of this aífair. 



of another Embassy the Year before. This Gentleman talking with 
Frier Antony of St. Mary, a Franciscan, of the Power of the 
Dutch in India, told him, that our King had writ into India, to 
acquaint them that if they thought íit he would send them a strong 
Fleet, and in it Don Fadrique of Toledo, as Viceroy of Goa, 
Malaca, and Manila, who would scour the Sea, and make it safe 
to them to sail from East to West. 'We Portuguese would not 
accept of what was oífer'd for our good,' said Meneses, 'and that 
was the reason we are in such a poor condition.' And when told 
this the Ambassador Emanuel de Saldanha answer'd me, 'I did 
not know all that.' 

12. While in Cantón upon Midsummer day I was invited with 
a Portuguese, Father Gouvea, and two others of the Society to 
visit the Ambassador. The said Father Gouvea maliciously in- 
sinuating, That the Spanish King could not recover Brasil, and 
their new King [Afonso VI] had done it: The Ambassador 
said, 'I was a Soldier in that mighty, tho unfortunate, Fleet King 
Philip the Fourth sent out for that purpose. The Portuguese 
General was Dom Fernao de Mascarenhas, Count de la Torre, 
who was in fault that it was not recover'd. 1 The Spanish Com- 
mander was to keep the Sea, the Count to act ashore, and to that 
purpose had 13000 chosen Men. The Spanish General offer'd 
him 3000 Musquetiers of his Men; he several times desir'd the 
Count to land, and he would secure the Sea, but the Count 
never durst.' 'It was his fault,' concluded the Ambassador, 'that 
Brasil was not then recover'd.' I was very well pleas'd to hear it, 
and what is it now they complain of? I often heard it said, that 
Malaca was lost during our King's Government in the Year 1630. 
Bento Pereira de Faria the Ambassador's Secretary, said before all 
the Portugueses then at Cantón who were in that Error, 'It is not 
so Fathers, for the Revolt of Portugal was in December 1640, and 
Malacca was lost the following Year.' I was well pleas'd and 
consol'd at the Answer. 

13. Discoursing about the loss of Máscate, Emanuel de Fonseca 

1 Torre's 'solé qualifications appear to have been his aristocratic birth and the fact 
that nobody else wanted the post' (C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil (Oxford, 
1957), 89). 

26 5 


a worthy Portuguese, told me at Cantón, That it had been lost 
because contrary to our King's Orders, they had tolerated a 
Synagogue of Jews there. Avarice made them permit those 
infamous People there. 1 

14. At Diu, said the same Man, they allow'd of a Moorish 
Mosque on the same account, and contrary to his Majesty's 
Commands. Speaking of the Loss of Ceilon [1658] a bare- 
footed Franciscan gave the Account I set down in another 
Chapter. I afterwards heard it over again, That it was well it was 
lost, for otherwise Fire must needs have fallen from Heaven, and 
consumed it all. 

15. Talking about some Towns along the Coast, Father Tor- 
rente, one of the Jesuits in Cantón, said, the Portuguese Com- 
manders us'd horrid Injustice towards the Natives. 

16. Upon discourse of the losing of Ormuz the Jesuit Father 
Ferrari related, That he being at Malaca, heard some who had 
been present at the Action, and among them the Enemy's 
Admiral, say, 'If the Portugueses the day after the Fight had come 
upon us again, they had certainly catch'd us all, for we were 
undone but instead they went off, and left us Conquerors and 
possess'd of all.' 2 

17. The Portuguese Jesuit Father Antony Gouvea talking at 
Cantón of the loss of India, said, God had taken it from them for 
two Reasons; one was, the inhumane usage of the Natives, 
especially by the Portuguese Women, towards the Black Women, 
and the other for their Lust. 

18. These and such-like things friar de Angelis might have 
inserted in his General History; what the Spaniards did in 
America we know and abhor. It is unreasonable to see the Faults 
of others, and be blind to our own. 

19. We being altogether at Cantón, there was some discourse 
with the Ambassador's Gentlemen concerning the loss of Cochin 
[1663]. The Portuguese Fathers of the Society imputed it to ill 

1 Muscat, the centre of Portuguese power in the Persian Gulf after the loss of 
Ormus, was lost in January 1650. 

2 Ormus was captured (1622) by English ships, commanded by Captains Blyth 
and Weddell (EF, 1622-3, v " ^O» act ing in conjunction with a Persian army. 



Fortune, and to the Nativcs assisting the Dutch. A Layman who 
was by took up the business, and said, 'Alas, Fathers, we Portu- 
gueses are the most barbarous People in the World, we have 
neither Sense, Reason, ñor Government.' He went on with much 
more to this purpose, and concluded, 'They overéame, slew, and 
took that Country from us, as from base and mean People. The 
Society was much blam'd for all the other Religious Orders spent 
all they had to relieve the Soldiers and Townsmen, but the 
Society not one grain of Rice. The Dutch entred the place, and 
took all they had.' 

20. We talk'd of the miserable condition Macao was in of late 
Years (I design'd this City for the subject Matter of this Chapter; 
but because one thing draws on another, and all tends to make 
known what I saw and heard in those parts, it is convenient to 
write all) the Ambassador's Secretary said to Father Gouvea, 
'Father, the truth of it is, that Brother [Manoel dos] Reyes, and his 
Chínese Friend Li Pe Ming, are the cause of the ruin of Macao.' 
He had not a word to answer. All this has been inserted here, to 
prove the Portuguese have no reason tj complain, that oui 
[Spanish] king was the cause of their losing India. 

21. The miserable State and wretched Condition the Portugueses 
do now, and have liv'd for some Years in those parts, might make 
them sensible, if Prejudice did not blind them, that their own 
Sins, and not those of others, have brought all these Misfortunes 
upon them. They liv'd some Years at Macasar, in great subjection 
to the Mahometans, neither the Laity ñor Clergy had the least 
Authority, so the Governor of the Bishoprick of Malaca who 
resided there told me, his ñame was Paul d'Acosta. Upon 
Maunday Thursday [1658], when I was in the Church [in 
Macassar], a Company of Moors carne into the Church, and 
went up the Sepulcher to see what was in the Monstrance, no body 
stirring to oppose them. (There being present the Governor of the 
Bishoprick, the Parish Priest, Prelates, and other Portugueses, 
including Francisco de Vieira, of the Order of Christ, it did "ot 
become me to set up to oppose such disrespect. [C 627]) 

When they search'd for any Criminal, the Sumbane sent ñVe m 
six thousand Moors, who look'd into the privatest Closet, without 
h 267 


sparing any place. They had always to watch at night to secure 
themselves against the Moors, who stole all they had. They told 
me above 4,000 Christians had turn'd Mahometans in that 
Country. When expel'd thence by the Dutch, some of them went 
over to Camboxa, submitting themselves to such another King, 
others to Siam, where they live in ill repute, and despis'd by the 
Natives and Chineses that are there. Some would fain get away 
from thence, but are not suffered by the King, who says, they are 
his Slaves; and the reason is, because some Portugueses have 
borrow'd Mony of the King to trade, and pawn'd their Bodys for 
it. The King easily lent it them, and it is his Maxim, 'That all 
who in that manner receive his Mony, are his Slaves, and have not 
the least Liberty left them.' 

22. Those Portuguese who liv'd in Cochinchina and Tunquin 
were expel'd thence. In the Year 1667, this which I shall now 
relate happen'd in Cochinchina: The Women there being too 
free and immodest, as soon as any Ship arrives, they presently go 
aboard to invite the Men; nay, they even make it an Article of 
Marriage with their own Countrymen, that when Ships come in, 
they shall be left to their own Will, and have liberty to do what 
they please. This I was told, and Father Macret who had been a 
Missioner there affirm'd it to me to be true. 1 A Vessel from 
Macao carne to that Kingdom, and during its stay there, the Por- 
tugueses had so openly to do with those Infidel Harlots, that when 
they were ready to sail, the Women complain'd to the King, that 
they did not pay them what they ow'd them for the use of their 
Bodys. So the King order'd the Vessel should not stir till that Debt 
was paid. A rare Example given by Christians, and a great help to 
the conversión of those Infidels ! Another time they were so lewd in 
that Kingdom, that one about the King said to him, 'Sir, we know 
not how to deal with these People, the Dutch are satisfy'd with 
one Woman, but the People of Macao are not satisfy'd with many.' 
Frier de Angelis should note these Virtues of his Countrymen. 2 

1 There seems no other authority for the statement that Macret was in Cochin- 
China; see Pfister, 368. 

2 Even discounting Navarrete's nationalistic bias, 'everyone blamed the Portu- 
guese as bringing down the tone of moral life in any place' (S. Arasaratnam, 'Some 



23. Whilst the Government was in the [Ming] Chineses the 
People of Macao own'd themselves their Subjects but now the 
Tartars rule and so they are, and do confess themselves to be their 
Subjects. When the City has any business, they go in a Body with 
Rods in their hands to the Mandarine who resides a League from 
thence and they petition him on their Knees. The Mandarine in 
his Answer writes thus: 'This barbarous and brutal People 
desires such and such a thing, let it be granted,' or 'refus'd them'. 
Thus they return in great state to their City, and their Fidalgos or 
Noblemen with the Badg of the Knighthood of the Order of 
Christ hanging at their Breasts, have gone upon these Errands; 
and I know one there to this day of the same rank, who was carry'd 
to Cantón, with two Chains about his neck. He was put into 
Prison, and got oíf for 6000 Ducats in Silver. If their King knew 
these things, it is almost incredible that he should allow of them. 1 

24. Ever since the Tartars made the People retire from the Sea- 
coast up the Inland, they began to use rigor with Macao. At a 
quarter of a League distance from that City, where the narrow 
part of that neck of Land is, the Chineses many years ago built a 
Wall from Sea to Sea, in the middle of it is a Cate with a Tower 
over it, where there is always a Guard so that the People of Macao 
may not pass across, ñor the Chineses to them. 2 The Chínese 

Aspects . . .', Tamil Culture, vn (1958), 14), and many other travellers carne to the 
same conclusión : Manucci (iv, 90) heard in Goa that the Portuguese were a 'small 
nation of madmen and troublesome fellows' and himself adds 'It seems to me he was 
largely right.' Carré (passim) complains of Portuguese 'arrogance, decadence, sloth- 
fulness, dissolute lives, meanness, tyranny, jealousy', etc. Tavernier (1, 15 1-2) com- 
plains that the Portuguese were 'no sooner passed the Cape of Good Hope than 
they all become Gentlemen and add Dom to their ñames and as they change their 
status so also they change their nature'. Manucci (m, 134) echoes this. See also the 
Imperial Gazetteerof India (Oxford, 1907-9), xn, 252 ff. 

1 This is borne out by Hamilton's experience at Macao (11, 118) ; in the interests 
of trade the merchants were ready to submit but others were sometimes for resisting 
(cf. the attitude of the fire-eating Vicar-General of Macao, friar Dos Anjos, as 
described in Gama's Diary, l, 113). 

2 The 'neck of Land' was a sandbank called the 'Stem of the Water-Lily' ; across 
this the 'Kuan-cha' wall was built and the Ch'ien-shan chai fortress erected at 
Ch'ien-shan (Casa Branca). After 1664 the garrison was raised to 2,000 soldiers 
and a strict watch maintained over the passage to Macao (Fu, 'Two Embassies', 77). 
A day-to-day account of the situation inside the blockaded city is given in Gama's 
Diary. See also Rouleau, 'Siqueira', 28 ff. 



have sometimes had their liberty, but the Portugueses were never 
permitted to go up the Country. Of late Years the Gate was shut ; 
at fírst they open'd it every fíve days, when the Portugueses bought 
Provisions ; afterwards it grew stricter, and was only open'd twice 
a Month. Then the rich, which were but very few, could buy a 
Fortnights Store ; the Poor perish'd, and many have starv'd. Then 
Orders carne again that it should be open'd every fíve days and 
the Chineses sell them Provisions at what rate they please. 

25. The Chineses have always liv'd in Macao, they exercise 
Mechanick Trades, and are in the nature of Factors to the Citizens. 
They have often gone away with all their Trust. Sometimes the 
Chínese Government has obliged them to depart Macao, which 
has much ruin'd that City because many Inhabitants and some 
Monasteries have nothing of their own, but a few little Houses 
that the Chineses live in and when they were gone they lost the 
Rent of them. 

26. It would take up much time and paper to write but a small 
Epitome of the Broils, Uproars, Quarrels and Extravagancies 
there have been at Macao. 1 Among other things <a few years ago 
the Jesuit Fathers and a large number of armed laymen, went with 
Fire-arms against our Dominican Monastery there; our Friers 
closed it and to defend themselves they placed the Blessed Sacra- 
ment in a Window of the Choir overlooking the Plaza. When 
they saw this the armed attackers said, 'Genuflect to the Blessed 
Sacrament, and Fire upon the Monastery,' and in this wise they 
fired on that Convent, and 'tis certain the Religious therein had 
dy'd, had they not secur'd themselves. [C 473~4] 2 > 

1 It is hardly surprising that Navarrete's normally fluent pen flinched before this 
task, for Macao seems to have been in an almost perpetual state of anarchy. The 
English Factor's report of 1649 was not unique: 'the Portugalls in Maccaw . . . 
having lately murthered their Captaine Generall . . . and Maccaw itselfe soe dis- 
tracted amongst themselves that they are dailie spilling one anothers blood' (Boxer, 
Fidalgos, 154). See also A. Marques Pereira, Epbemerides Commemorat'was da historia 
de Macau (Macao, 1868), 98-9. 

2 This episode in the history of the Church Militant took place in 1623 and the 
quarrel aróse when the Jesuits refused to recognize the Dominican Vicar-General 
Antonio do Rosario. It is not certain if the priory was actually bombarded. There 
is an account in GOA, Ordens Regias No. 3, fF. 295-300 ; see also Boxer, Fidalgos, 
97, and Teixeira, II, 103-4. 



Among other things our Enemy [Yang Kuang-hsien] alledg'd 
in his Memorials to the Emperor, one was that Father Adam had 
30,000 Men conceal'd at Macao to invade China. No doubt but 
it was a great folly. He added, that some years before the City had 
rais'd Walls, which were demolish'd by the Emperor's Com- 
mand. This was true. In another Memorial, he accus'd us, 
that the Europeans resorting to Japan, had attempted to usurp 
that Kingdom, for which many were punish'd, and the rest 
banish'd; and that we had possessed our selves of the Philip- 
pine Islands. But never any particular King in Europe was 
mention'd ; ñor was there any naming of Religious Orders, or 
Religious. They always made use of the general ñame of Europe 
and Europeans. 

27. The two [Chínese] Councils of Rites and War, put in a 
Memorial [to the Emperor] advising it was convenient the People 
of Macao should return to their own Country. The Government 
answer'd in the Emperor's ñame, That since they had liv'd there 
so many Years, it was not convenient to send them away, but that 
they should be brought into the Metrópolis, for as much as their 
own Subjects had been drawn from the Sea-coast to the Inland. 
This was the beginning of much debate and confusión. The 
[Cantón] Mandarines made great Profit from the Inhabitants of 
Macao, and would not have them change their habitation. At the 
Court they insisted on what has been said, and order'd a place 
should be assign'd them to live in. One was appointed near the 
River of Cantón, the worst that possibly could be found. Notice 
was given to Macao, the City divided into two Factions. The 
Natives and Mungrels were for going, the Portugueses against it. 
The Supreme Government beset them by Sea, order'd their Ships 
to be burnt, accordingly ten were burnt before their Faces, and 
they seiz'd the Goods seven of them had brought the foregoing 

28. We at Cantón, and they at Macao, were in great confusión, 
things growing worse and worse every day. 1 The City of Macao 
promis'd the Supreme Governour of Cantón 20000 Ducats, if he 

1 For an account of the state of Macao at this time, see Boxer, Azia Sínica, 11, 
86-92, and Gama. 



could prevail that they might continué in their City. Self-Interest 
mov'd him to use all his Power to obtain it, and he obtain'd leave 
for them to stay, but that they should not trade at Sea. The 
Governour then demanded the promis'd Money but they answer'd 
they would pay it if he got them leave to trade. This inrag'd the 
Governour, who became a very Tiger and now endeavour'd to do 
them all the mischief he could. He shut up the Gate in the Wall, 
allowing it to be open'd but twice a Month. It pieas'd God, or 
rather it was his permission, that the Governour, having been at 
variance with the Petty King, hang'd himself the 9th of January 
1668, upon which Macao recover'd some hopes of bettering its 
condition. 1 Meantime in Cantón the business of the Ambassador 
[Saldanha] was at a stand : he was full of trouble, especially 
because he had brought but 2800 Pieces of Eight with him, and 
had above ninety Persons to maintain out of it. Macao could 
assist him but little, and afterwards excus'd it self from even that. 
All men complain'd of the Society [of Jesús] which had advis'd 
and project'd that Embassy. True it is, that this Complaint being 
made before me to those that were in Cantón, Fr John Dominick 
Gabiani a Piemontese answer'd; 'Gentlemen, not all the Society 
had a hand in this Embassy, only some particular Persons had; 
you are not therefore to condemn the whole Society.' Pereira, the 
Secretary, who was all fire, reply'd, 'We do not blame the 
Society in Rome, France and Madrid, but that in China. Your 
Reverences procur'd this Embassy, as also that Macao should bear 
the charge of it, the which has ruin'd us ; it is for this therefore that 
the Complaint is made here, and not before the Fathers in Europe.' 
One of the greatest griefs the Portugueses had, was to see and hear 
how they us'd their Ambassador. They call'd him 'a Mandarine, 
that was going to pay Tribute and do homage on the part of the 
Petty King of Portugal'. When he went up to the Imperial City, 
there was a Flag or Banner upon his Boat, with two large Charac- 
ters on it, which according to our way of speaking signify'd, 'This 

1 Lu Hsing-tsu, Viceroy of Liang-kuang, hanged himself fearing punishment 
after having been denounced for cruelty by the 'Prince who Pacifies the South', 
Shang K'o-hsi, (Fu, 'Two Embassies', 78). Navarrete gives more detail at T 77; 
see also Gama, 11, 748, and cf. p.cxiv above. 



Man comes to do Homage.' 1 All Ambassadors that go to China 
must bear with this, or they will not be admitted. 
29. I write what follows for Fryar Emanuel de Angelis: The 
vilest, basest, and most infamous action that has been heard of in 
the World, was done at Macao. The Revolt of Portugal [against 
Spain, 1640] being known there, (I will not insert in this place 
what Father Gouvea told me to prove and evince, that his Jesuit 
Brethren brought about this deed — for I allow it is a certainty and 
agreed among them, as by many others, although the Governor of 
the Bishoprick of Macao [dos Anjos] would attribute that action 
to his own [Augustinian] Order), they painted a Picture of our 
King [Philip IV] on the Gallows, and their own King [John 
IV] as Hangman, a-hanging of him, and this Picture was expos'd 
in a publick place of the City of Macao. 2 Some mislik'd it, others 
were asham'd of it, as I suppose, because of the dishonourable 
Employment they had given their own King in that Picture ; so it 
was taken away and hid. I had made many reflections upon this 
Passage, which at present I lay aside, but I must observe that in 
China the Gallows is for Noble and Great Men, and base People 
are Beheaded, just contrary to what is practis'd in Europe. To be 
Hangman is the vilest thing that is throughout the world. The 
Chineses are in the right in calling the People of Macao barbarous 
and brutal and this action alone is enough to entitle them to it. I 
take it that some Mungrels were the Authors of the deed and not 
others, whom I have heard talk of our affairs with all reverence. 
What the People of Macao did in Japan is well known, and they 
ingenuously confess it ; and they own'd it to me in that City, and 
Fr Gouvea told it me at Cantón: it was, that till the Ships 
return'd, they publickly and without any shame keep common 
Women in their Houses. A fine help towards the Conversión of 
those People ! Father Torrente told me they did the same at Tunq uin. 

1 The two characters are identifíed (Fu, 'Two Embassies', 83) as ch'ao'hmg (to 
pay homage and present tribute) or as hmg'shih (tributary envoy). 

2 There is some truth in Gouveia's claim that the Jesuits were behind the revolt 
of 1640 (Rodrigues, Historia, ta, pt. i, 350-2 ; A. Seyner, Historia del levantamiento de 
Portugal (Saragossa, 1644), 37, 41, 222, 224). For the Jesuits' pro-Portuguese 
attitude in Macao at the time of the Restoration, see F. Rodrigues, SJ, 'A Aclamacáo 
de D. Joao IV em Macau; Patriotismo e Traicao', Broteria, xxxvm (1944), 6-14. 



30. But a little before I carne to Macao the Governour of the 
Diocese had committed to Prison a Woman for living in open sin 
with a Tartar Soldier; the Soldier with others ofhis Companions 
carne to the Goal at Noon-day, broke it open, and carry'd away 
the Woman, no Man daring to open his Mouth. About the same 
time a Maiden Daughter to one of the principal Inhabitants of 
that City, run away into China with an Infidel. Of late years 
many Women expos'd their Bodies to Infidels for Bread. The 
Governour banish'd sixty of them and upon the third day their 
Ship was cast away, and not one of the Women escap'd. 

31. Many base Murders have been committed in that City. Some 
years ago a great many arm'd Portuguese assaulted the House of 
the Captain-General [Sebastiao Lobo] and he hid himself under 
the Stairs, but they found him and stuck him in several places. 1 
After this an ordinary Fellow with a Black murder'd the Town- 
Mayor. Upon another occasion a Man flying from his Enemy 
betook himself into our Church, and stood betwixt the Altar and 
the Priest that sung High Mass and tho it was just after the Con- 
secration yet his Enemy pursu'd, and murder'd him in that place. 
In my time there was a dismal enough murder and soon after- 
wards at Noon-day the Cúrate of the great Church was murder'd. 
About six or seven years since a Portuguese kill'd the Cúrate that 
their Nation had at Siam. The Portuguese Cúrate of Macasar was 
very familiar with the Dutch and told them he had two Daughters 
at home, and that the Governour, [Diocesan Vicar-General] had 
one. Yet these People think God should not punish them! 
Excepting Goa and the Northern parts, which is nothing, they 
have not one foot of Ground in all India, but every where are 
subject to Gentiles, Mahometans, or Hereticks, and by them 
crush'd, contemn'd and despis'd. 'Kingdoms,' says St Thomas, 
'are also lost through Pride.' Who is ignorant how guilty the 
Portuguese Nation was of that Sin? 

32. Thus Macao may be sufficiently known, and several Par- 
ticular relating to that City and other parts. We may say with St 
Augustine that all is, and has been a great mercy of God : 'It is a 

1 Sebastiao Lobo was suspected of partiality towards Spain (Concepción, vi, 



mercy if God scourges so that he may correct; if he delivers from 
sin through tribulation ; if he permits Hypocrites and Tyrants to 
reign. For God does all these things in his mercy, being desirous 
to give us Ufe everlasting.' The Tartars entring China to afflict 
those Gentiles, and distress Macao; the Dutch possessing them- 
selves of India ; and other accidents we have seen, are all the mercy 
of God, and for our good, if we our selves will with patience, 
humility and submission, make our advantage of what his Divine 
Majesty ordains and disposes. 

33. To conclude this Chapter I will add certain 'Revelations', 
as they cali them, in great vogue at Macao, and other parts of 
India. I Myself do not look upon them as Revelations, ñor can I 
find any ground or reason to allow them the ñame. These 
'Revelations' are pretended to be made to Brother Peter de Bustos 
at Malaca, about the years 1640 and 1642. 1 (1) Four years before 
the revolt of Portugal, say they, he foretold it almost in the same 
manner as it hapned for it was reveal'd to him by God in the 
Consecrated Host. But the Revolt was in the Year 1640, and the 
'Revelations' began at the same time, so how then could he foretel 
it four Years before it hapned? (2) That in the same Consecrated 
Host he saw a stately Throne, and our King Philip the Fourth 
sitting there in Majesty on a Pine-apple from the bottom whereof 
issu'd four Branches of Thorns, which growing up by degrees, 
prest him so hard that they cast him from the Seat, and that he 
heard a Voice, saying, 'The Monarchy of Spain is at an end.' 

34. This Brother saw our King in a better place than the Gallo ws 
that the People of Macao had assign'd him ! God's Will be done. 

1 The Venerable Pedro de Basto was one of the seventeenth-century Portuguese 
Jesuits who had mysuco-poliucal visions connected with Sebastianism and the 
desirability of freedom from Spanish rule. Cf. Azevedo (36-7) : 'the cloisters of the 
Society of Jesús in particular were favoured with revelations concerning the future 
of the fatherland.' In the skilful propagation of these visions the Jesuits were pioneers 
in the art of psychological warfare; but Basto himself was no mere visionary for, if 
we are to credit his enthusiastic Jesuit biographer, he also invented a sort of 'dum- 
dum' bullet which enabled him to kill 1,500 of the enemy in the siege of Quilon 
(Fernáo de Queyros, SJ, Vida do veneravel irmao Pedro de Basto (Lisbon, 1689), 95). 
Father Queyros's studies of Basto's visions led him to forecast the overthrow of the 
Turk in 1702 after which Portugal, the Fifth Monarchy, would be free to rule the 
world (ibid. 436-50). 



But we see the Brother was a false Prophet, for the Monarchy of 
Castille still continúes under Charles the Second, and we hope 
for much prosperity in his time. (3) That there would in a short 
time be a Pope come from the Society of Jesús ; That new 
Missions should be discover'd, and those that are lost restor'd ; and 
that there should be mighty Conversions in India, so that the 
Society should not be sufficient to go through the Work, but that 
it should be mighty prosperous. 

35. All that relates to the Society I look upon as likely enough, 
and there needed no new Revelations for it. The daily experience 
we have of their increasing in Learning and Virtue, may be 
ground enough for us to hope as much. As for the Missions the 
time is not fulfill'd ; for tho he says 'shortly', it may be many Years 
to come, and yet be so call'd. 

(4) That the Portugueses and Dutch would be as cióse as the 
nail and the flesh; That he saw a Miter and other Episcopal 
Ornaments with the Arms of Portugal over Jacatra. 

36. The fírst Article of this 'Revelation' I can expound as 
meaning that the Dutch are the Nails that have claw'd off all the 
flesh the Portugueses had in India ! As for the second part of it, 
the Missioners in Cantón us'd to laugh at it. 

(5) In the Year 1640 he prophesy'd the miserable state of 
Macao, and that [Portuguese] India should be restor'd to the 
condition it was formerly in. 

37. The first part we are eye-witnesses to, and it was a necessary 
consequence of the loss of its Trade with Japan and Manila. As 
for the second : it is at present even worse than it was then for that 
very Year they lost Malaca, after that Ceylon, and lastly Cochin. 

(ó) In the Year 1641, he said, a way would be open'd into 
Japan, because the Holy Ghost appear'd favourable to that King- 
dom, and that he saw many things relating to it in the Conse- 
crated Host. No part of this Prophecy has been verify'd to this day, 
in 1675. 

38. He says further, That he saw Father Cypriano in the Con- 
secrated Host on the right hand, cloth'd in Glory, with many 
Rays of Light coming from him; and Brother Bustos said, 'That 
Father was a great Saint, but that he was not yet perfected ; ñor 



did he know which way God would guide that Father but yet 
he was much belov'd by God.' 

39. Now this 'Revelation' spoil'd all the rest, and pro ves they are 
Fictions and Frauds, and no Revelations, for Cypriano was a 
great Knave, Hypocrite, and Cheat. It is wonderful what false 
Miracles he gave out, and how he counterfeited Sanctity; The 
Ambassador Emanuel de Saldanna told me that he was a treble 
Heresiarch. Let it suffice that he is at this time in the Prison of the 
Inquisition at Goa, and condemn'd to perpetual confinement 
there. There is where he will be perfected I 1 

(7) In the Year 42 Bustos prophesy'd the Martyrdom of five 
Persons, but two of them gave an ill account of themselves. 2 

40. Those Men believe, applaud and extol these Follies. 

41. Just before my departure from China, some News arriv'd out 
of Europe ; One piece was, that Bandarra had been a notorious Jew, 
that his Tomb was thrown down, and his Prophecies supprest. 

42. Another Report was That the English at Bombay overthrew 
the Catholic Churches, and cut to pieces the Pictures on the 
Altars. But I was afterwards told at Goa, who had been the real 
cause of all that and perhaps in another place I may give a hint 
at it; and perhaps not, for all Truths are not to be writ: it is 
enough it be known in those parts of the World. 3 

1 Cypriano was an Italian Jesuit who travelled in the East during the i63o's and 
1640's, leaving a trail of dissatisfaction behind him. He arrived in Macao in 1638, 
announcing that in a recent twenty-six-hour interview with the Almighty he had 
been ordered to seek martyrdom in Japan, and he demanded transpon thither. The 
merchants of Macao were not interested in exporting martyrs and wanted no inter- 
ference with their trade with Japan, already difficult enough : Cypriano was de- 
poned and shortly afterwards signed a confession that his visions were false. He was 
expelled the Society, but later retracted the confession and himself 'expelled' the 
Father Rector of Macao. Obviously deranged, Cypriano nevertheless had a follow- 
ing who regarded him as a saint ; others, however, suspected insanity or that he 
was possessed — even that he was a Dutch 'secret weapon' sent to destroy Macao by 
his follies. Navarrete derives the adjective 'Cyprianistico' from his ñame (C 435, 
645). See further Arquivos de Macan, m, 147-51, and the 'Historia', in AJUDA, 
Jesuitas na Asia, 49-V-12, ff. 539-46; there is mention of him also in GOA, 
Ordens Regias, No. 3, ff. 295-300 and AGN, Inquisición 419, ff. 226-34. 

2 A reference to Jesuits who are alleged to have apostatized in Japan under 
torture ; see Boxer, Cbristian Century, 391, 447. 

3 See also C 35. Portugal ceded Bombay to the British under the marriage treaty 
of 1661. The Jesuits, whose interests there were involved, naturally resented dis- 



43. They also reported that the Infidels attack'd Goa, took 2000 
Christians, and kill'd a Franciscan, and that the Portuguese 
Viceroy did not behave himself well. 

possession and aroused English ill-will by their reactions (EF, 1661-4, 1 i9> 
142-4, 216). The English Factors reported to London that if the Jesuits were to 
retain all their privileges and exemptions Bombay would not be a paying concern ; 
other accusations folio wed (EF, i66$-j, 45). At Bandra in April 1667 two 
Englishmen found the inhabitants in arms, headed by the Jesuit Superior; English 
complaints then increased against 'those architects of this rebelüous fabrique ... the 
greatest bout-feu's ofthe world . . . those caterpillars the Jessuits' (ibid. 302-9). But 
it was not all the Jesuits' work, for the majority of the population resented the 




I. The Captain and Pilot of the Ship's ñame was Stephen Díaz, 
a Man in great repute at Macao, but he lost much of it this 
Voyage. There are many ill-grounded Opinions ; because four or 
fíve say 'such a Man is an able Pilot, or good Soldier,' they pre- 
sently applaud him as such, and when occasion offers he appears 
to be a mere Ignoramus. Certain it is, he was an honest Man and 
good Christian; so that doubtless God favours him, which is 
Knowledg and good Fortune enough. He never swore ñor curs'd, 
a thing rare enough in an European and Portuguese Sailor. When 
angry he would say, T vow my Soul to God.' He pray'd inces- 
santly, his Rosary Beads were never out of his hands, and he 
delighted in hearing talk of Spiritual things. He oífer'd me all he 
had aboard ; I stood not in need of it, but was thankful for his 
good Will, and did him all the Service I could. When the Tartars 
oppress'd Macao, he put to Sea ; and to save his Ship and Mens 
Lives, he went to Manila, which Port he put into upon the 
security of a Pass he had from the Governor Don James Salcedo 
[1663-8] ; who did not observe it, but took his Ship. All Men 
disapprov'd of this Action, and when that Governor was seiz'd, 
he that succeeded him [Peña Bonifaz], restor'd the Ship to the 
right Owner, and he return'd in it to Macao in August 1669. I 
had good accommodation given me in the great Cabin, where 
there were some other Passengers who all were extremely kind to 
me. The first night he steer'd East, and then tack'd and stood 
away to the South, thinking he had left the Fíats of Pulisisi 
[Pulo-Cecir] astern (they are famous in that Sea, and extend 
below Camboxa) here it was he began to lose the Reputation of 
being an able Seaman. A great Pilot who went aboard as a 



Passenger, said to him, 'Captain, how can you expect in one 
night's sail to come up with the Fíats along the shore?' The Pilot 
still fell off to Leeward, which was to go even closer to those 
Fíats. One night when the Pilot was gone to rest, after having 
given his Orders to the Steersman, that Pilot who was a Passenger, 
(his ñame was Vincent Fernandez) 1 ask'd for his Sword, and 
bid his Man take his Spear, and be on the watch for he was per- 
swaded we should be stranded upon the Fíats, and he design'd to 
betake himself to the Boat. He carne up softly without noise to the 
Bittake, and said to the Steersman, 'We are running right upon 
the Fíats, pray bear up 8 Points to windward ; and if the Pilot says 
any thing, tell him the Ship flew from the Helm.' Under God this 
Precaution sav'd our Lives, for one morning, notwithstanding 
that bearing away eight Points, we found our selves within a 
Stones throw of the Point of the Fíats and from which the 
Shallows did run out ; at this we were all filled with Fright. Every 
day the Rosary, Salve, Litany, and other Prayers were said kneel- 
ing, few days pass'd without saying Mass, we had frequent 
Sermons and Exhortations, and much going to Confession and 
Communion. We arriv'd at the Island Pulocondor, which is large 
and well-wooded ; the Natives carne out to us with some refresh- 
ment of Fruit: They brought with them a little Animal the 
Portugueses cali Perguiza, that is, Sloth : it was very strange and 
oddly shap'd, its slow Motion and Looks seem'd to be the very 
emblem of Sloth. It brought forth a young one while aboard ship 
and the young one clung fast to the Dam's Belly, and she with it 
hanging, crept up the Shrouds extraordinary leasurely. 
2. We made thence for the Strait of Sincapuera (Singapore; it is 
less than a Musket-Shot wide. I observ'd with Care the Shape 
and Position of those Lands and Straits. [T43i]> Our Pilot had 
never pass'd it before, and Practice is always desirable in a Pilot. 
We carne within Musket-Shot, and no sign of a Passage appear'd, 
so he was about to tack and steer away for the New Strait, 
call'd 'The Governor's,' which is wider, and at present most 
people go by that way. 2 Some aboard were satisfy'd the Strait was 

1 Both pilots were known to Gama (i, 183 ; II, 696, 757). 

2 Singapore Strait was called Governor Strait or New Strait by the Portuguese 



there, as having pass'd it some times: but the obstinacy of honest 
Stephen Diaz was so positive that he would believe no body. At a 
Point of Land which conceal'd the Passage there was a great 
number of Fishermen there call'd Saletes, who live always upon 
the Water, and in their Boats carry their Wife, Children, Cat, 
Dog, Hens, &C. 1 One of the Boats made to us, the Master of it 
carne aboard and carry'd us through very safe. That Country 
belongs to the King of Jor [Johore], who has abundance of 
Pepper. Having discover'd the Passage, which we admir'd to see 
how cióse Nature has hid and conceal'd it, we sail'd easily along. 
I had heard it said at Cantón, that when Ships sail'd through 
there, the Yard-arms hit against the Trees on both sides, and that 
the Current was so violent, it whirl'd a Ship about with all her 
Sails abroad. The first is a mere Fiction, the second is false ; tho 
perhaps when the South-West winds reign there may be some- 
thing of it, but it is not likely considering the position of the 
Continent and Islands about it. The Passage is scarce a short 
Bow-shot in width, two Ships cannot pass it board by board but 
it presently grows wider, and abundance of Islands appear. Our 
incorrigible Pilot would needs keep cióse under the Shore till 
he lost the Channel, and the Ship struck upon the Sand but being 
it sprung no Leak, we were not much troubled. As soon as this 
happen'd, abundance of the Saletes took their Posts to observe us, 
to make their advantage in case the Ship were cast away. Practice 
had made them very expert at it. But the Flood carry'd us ofF safe. 
On Saturday, being the Eve of the Purification, or Candlemas 
[i February], we carne to Anchor in sight of Malaca. I went 
ashore that afternoon, and told the Governor [Baltasar Bort] I 
desir'd to make my way thence to Manila, either through Siam 
or Camboxa. He would not consent to it so I us'd all my Art, 
but in vain, which made me very melancholy ; I spoke to the chief 
Parson, who did all he could for me, but obtain'd nothing. One 

and French ; for this see W. D. Barnes, 'Singapore Oíd Straits and New Harbour', 
JSBRAS, No. 6o (191 1), 25-34, and C. A. Gibson-Hill, 'Singapore: Notes on 
the History ofthe Oíd Strait, I58o-i85o',7MBR^4S, xxvn (1954), 163-214. 

1 The celebrated 'oráng-laut', or Sea-Sakies, are mentioned by many early 
travellers; see W. G. Maxwell, 'Barreto de Resende's Account of Malacca', 
JSBRAS, No. 60 (191 1), 17-18 ; and Crawfurd, art. 'oráng-laut'. 



day I got into a passion, and said to the Governor, 'So it is then, 
that your Lordships in this place tolérate Gentiles, Mahometans, 
and all barbarous Nations, and will not admit a Spanish Re- 
ligious for one Month, tho we are at peace with you ; what reason 
is there for it?' There is none but their profession and our 
wretchedness. 1 

3. That afternoon the Stewards of the Brotherhood of the Rosary, 
invited me to go up the River at eight of the Clock at night, 
where most of the Catholics live, there to sing the Salve and Litany 
of our Lady. I could not avoid it, but went. They had their 
Church well adorn'd and after the Rosary, the Salve and Litany 
was sung very well, I being in a Cope, brought out the Image of 
our Blessed Lady, which was a very beautiful one. 2 Then I heard 
some Confessions, and having taken my leave of the People, went 
away to rest at the House of an honest Portuguese, who was 
marry'd to a Malaye Woman. I was twelve days ashore; each 
Evening and Morning was spent in hearing Confessions. I said 
Mass every day but one, and administered the Blessed Sacrament; 
The rest of the day I visited the Sick, and that they might all be 
pleas'd, I shared out my Mass by saying it one day in one House, 
and the next in another; thus we secur'd our selves against a 
French Parson who was watching of us. There was another Por- 
tuguese Parson born in Algarve, who was more trusty, and a 
better Friend to his Countrymen. At Jacatra, as I was there told 
again, tho I had heard it before, there were two other Parsons, 
they were both of considerable Families. 3 It is well known who the 

1 Governor Bort seems to have been a tolerant man: in 1665 he reported the 
arrival of a Portuguese priest named Fernandus Manuel who was insolently 
resisting attempts to stop him performing his priestly duties and using seditious 
language (B. Bort, 'Report on Malacca, 1678', trans. and annot. M. J. Bremner and 
C. O. Blagden JAÍBRvlS, v, pt. i (1927), 82-3). 

2 The Jesuit Father Rhodes also refers to this Church and its image and puts it at 
about two leagues out of the city (W. H. C. Smith, 'The Portuguese in Malacca 
during the Dutch Period', Journal of the South Seas Soáety, xiv (1958), 78), that 
is, outside the Dutch zone, which only extended, according to Gemelli-Careri 
(271), for three miles around the city. The Catholics, he reported, practised their 
religión in the woods and with much danger. 

3 One of these was the first translator of the Bible into Portuguese, Joao Ferreira 
de Almeida (1628-91) ; born in Mangualde (Portugal), he became a Protestant 
at the age of fourteen in Jacatra. In 1656, he became a Pastor, served as a missionary 



Governor was originally, who has govern'd those Parts several Years. 

4. There were up to 2000 Catholicks in that place, as I was told j 1 
the Women were extraordinary good Christians, some of the 
Men were so too ; many did not confess to me because it was easy 
to them to resort to an Indian Clergyman who was disguiz'd 
there. I am perswaded some are lukewarm and weak in the Faith, 
by reason of their conversing with the Dutch. 2 Heresy, says St 
Paul, is like a Cáncer, it is a Plague and Poison that insensibly 
infects. I shed Tears as I walked through those Streets, to see that 
Country possess'd by Enemies of the Church, for it is a Garden 
and Paradise in Worldly things ; in Spirituals it was once a great 
Colony, and the Church has many Children there still, but they 
are set among bloody Wolves. The Women wish they could get 
away from thence, but are so poor and without help that they 
cannot; those who have some Wealth are pleas'd and satisfy'd. 

5. That place is in two degrees and a half of North-Latitude. The 
Climate is charming and the place where the Catholicks live the 
best in the World. The Coco Trees grow up to the Clouds : there 
are Orchards full of Orange, Lemon, and Plantan-Trees, Papays, 
Xambos, and other sorts of Fruit. 3 The [Catholics] have 

in Ceylon, and finally settled as Pastor to the Portuguese-speaking Protestants in 
Jacatra. His translation has given him a place in the history of Portuguese literature. 
See David Lopes, A Expansao de Língua Portuguesa no Oriente durante os sáculos XVI, 
XVII e XVIII (Barcelos, 1936), 115-28. 

1 Before its capture, in 1641, Malacca had a population of 20,000; after the 
surrender to the Dutch there were only 3,000 left (Smith, 74). On the fate of 
Catholicism under the Dutch see Teixeira, 'Missoes Portuguesas de Singapura e 
Malaca', BEM, xxxvi(i939), 836-8. See also the report (October 1646) of Pedro de 
Francisco, SJ, in Maracci, 67-76. On Portuguese misrule in Malacca see Crawfurd, 
248. The Dutch versión of the siege and capture of Malacca is translated by 
Mac Hacobian, 'Siege and Capture of Malacca from the Portuguese in 1640-41', 
JMBKAS, xiv, pt. i (1936), 1-178. Friar Juan Bautista Morales, on his way from 
China to Europe, to collect his volunteers, among whom was to be Navarrete, had 
witnessed the taking of Malacca (Santa Cruz, 41 1-1 3). 

2 Gemelli-Careri (271) found these Catholics to be better instructed than those 
anywhere in Europe, and Governor Bort (87) reponed that though the Protestant 
divines took to preaching in Portuguese they accomplished little or nothing. 

3 For the Papaw Fig and the Jambu see Crawfurd, s.v. Gemelli-Careri (271-2) 
complained that the Malacca Durion smelt 'like rotten Onion' ; Navarrete (T 38) 
explains that 'at the first bite it exhales a little smell of Onion, and therefore they do 
not like it so well as others ; I own I perceiv'd it, but it is gone in a moment, and 

1 283 


two other places there, not so pleasant but good. The Fruit had 
then begun to come forwards and already there were very good 
and well-tasted Pine-Apples. The Christians furnish'd me with 
several necessaries against I went aboard, and some Mony given 
me for Masses. Another Religious of my Order, took up his 
Lodging in an Acquaintance his House; he and I took all the 
pains we could, and had we staid there much longer, we had 
found plenty to do. Among the rest there was there a Woman, an 
extraordinary good Christian, she furnish'd Bread and Wine for 
the Masses. She had a Daughter whom she educated with all 
possible care ; yet when grown up, she marry'd a Heretick, who 
soon perverted her, and she prov'd a mortal Enemy to Catholicks. 

6. The Dutch gave good Alms even to the Catholick Poor, but 
almost oblig'd them to be present at their Service. A poor lame 
Man said to me, 'Father, I cheat them very handsomly, for being 
lame as I go up that Hill, I feign my self lamer, and sit down to 
rest every step, so that I never get to the top, ñor never will.' Upon 
Sunday-nights the Hereticks make their Feasts in the Streets. As I 
was going home with some Friends, we found a jolly Dutch Man 
with his Table and Bottles in the cool Air ; he invited us, and I 
accidentally ask'd, 'Are you marry'd, Sir, in chis Country?' He 
answer'd me very pleasantly, 'Yes, Father. I marry'd a Black; 
since I cannot eat white Bread I take up with Brown.' Some of us 
from a Catholick's House, saw a Dutch Man lash two Blacka- 
more Women most cruelly who seem'd to be Catholicks ; he had 
ty'd them to Coco-Trees, and beat them unmercifully and one of 
them call'd upon Jesús and Mary, and we saw him for that reason 
lash her again in a most outrageous manner, in his great anger. 

7. Anthony Marinho, a Portuguese, told me that Emanuel de 
Sousa Coutinho had basely lost that place of so great moment and 
consequence. 1 Whoever holds Malacca commands the Strait, and 

there remains a sweet delicious taste.' There is more praise of the Durion at C 72. 
Other passing references to Malacca deal with the coinage (T 61) and China root 
(ibid. 59). 

1 This harsh judgement was not shared by the Dutch conquerors, who praised 
Sousa's 'wonderful courage' as one of the principal reasons why the Portuguese 
had held out so long (Mac Hacobian, 'The siege and capture of Malacca from the 
Portuguese in 1 640-4 i',JMBRAS, xiv, pt. i (1936), 68). 



that place is the general Rendezvous for all the Kingdoms of 
India. When it was taken by the Dutch, three Fathers remain'd 
there ; two of them I knew very well, the other was a French 
Man who dy'd some Years since in Europe. They demanded a 
place where they might administer to the Catholicks ; the Dutch 
sent to Jacatra for Orders to give them a Church, and it is reported 
they design'd it should be that of St Anthony ; but the Fathers 
being too impatient of delay, tho the Dutch themselves advis'd 
them to be modérate, they threatned the Dutch they would take 
from them the Water of the Well of Batachina [Boukit China], 
which is the best they have, and is always guarded. 1 These 
Threats provok'd the Dutch, who sent them to Jacatra, where they 
were forbid saying Mass. The French Father, who was over-zealous, 
even in the Opinión of his own Brethren, continued saying of it. 
They grew angry at him, took away a Crucifix he had, and the 
Villains burnt it publickly, the Father himself was at the foot of 
the Gallows : happy he, had he ended his Life there. 2 
8. The compass of Malaca is small, but the situation strong. It is 
encompass'd with good Walls and Bulworks, it is in the shape of 
a Sugar-loaf, in the upper part stood the House and Church of 
the Society: the Church now serves as a Wall and the Monastery 
at present is a Magazine. 3 It was a great annoyance to the Portu- 
gueses, as they themselves say, that they had not level'd that 
Eminence. Among the Hereticks I met there was one who always 
valu'd himself upon his Wisdom, tho he had none; he ob- 
stinately urg'd that Woman was more perfect than Man ; without 

1 Boukit China, ñame of a hill just NE of Malacca town connected in Malay 
history with Chínese settlers of the fifteenth century and now containing many 
Chínese graves (Blagden, note to Bort's Report, 209). Navarrete did not beheve the 
Chínese had ever been there and (T 5) argües against the tradition; cf. Purcell, 

2 The Dutch victors offered to let the priests remain in Malacca but the Portuguese 
were quite unable to comprehend this tolerance and elected to go ; two Dominícans 
were left behind to look after rents and incomes. After the threats to cut off the 
well-water the remaining clergy were banished (1645-6) although two Jesuits 
worked there from 165 1-5 (Mac Hacobian, 53-5 ; Smith, 77; Rouleau, 'Siqueira', 

3 For a description of the buildings of Malacca, see Mac Hacobian 87-9 ; the 
Jesuit Church is described by G. Schurhammer, SJ, 'The Church of St Paul, 
Malacca',_/MBR^45, xn, pt. ii (1934), 40-3. 



two other places there, not so pleasant but good. The Fruit had 
then begun to come forwards and already there were very good 
and well-tasted Pine-Apples. The Christians furnish'd me with 
several necessaries against I went aboard, and some Mony given 
me for Masses. Another Religious of my Order, took up his 
Lodging in an Acquaintance his House; he and I took all the 
pains we could, and had we staid there much longer, we had 
found plenty to do. Among the rest there was there a Woman, an 
extraordinary good Christian, she furnish'd Bread and Wine for 
the Masses. She had a Daughter whom she educated with all 
possible care ; yet when grown up, she marry'd a Heretick, who 
soon perverted her, and she prov'd a mortal Enemy to Catholicks. 

6. The Dutch gave good Alms even to the Catholick Poor, but 
almost oblig'd them to be present at their Service. A poor lame 
Man said to me, 'Father, I cheat them very handsomly, for being 
lame as I go up that Hill, I feign my self lamer, and sit down to 
rest every step, so that I never get to the top, ñor never will.' Upon 
Sunday-nights the Hereticks make their Feasts in the Streets. As I 
was going home with some Friends, we found a jolly Dutch Man 
with his Table and Bottles in the cool Air ; he invited us, and I 
accidentally ask'd, 'Are you marry'd, Sir, in this Country?' He 
answer'd me very pleasantly, 'Yes, Father. I marry'd a Black; 
since I cannot eat white Bread I take up with Brown.' Some of us 
from a Catholick's House, saw a Dutch Man lash two Blacka- 
more Women most cruelly who seem'd to be Catholicks ; he had 
ty'd them to Coco-Trees, and beat them unmercifully and one of 
them call'd upon Jesús and Mary, and we saw him for that reason 
lash her again in a most outrageous manner, in his great anger. 

7. Anthony Marinho, a Portuguese, told me that Emanuel de 
Sousa Coutinho had basely lost that place of so great moment and 
consequence. 1 Whoever holds Malacca commands the Strait, and 

there remains a sweet delicious taste.' There is more praise of the Durion at C 72. 
Other passing references to Malacca deal with the coinage (Tói) and China root 
(ibid. 59). 

1 This harsh judgement was not shared by the Dutch conquerors, who praised 
Sousa's 'wonderful courage' as one of the principal reasons why the Portuguese 
had held out so long (Mac Hacobian, 'The siege and capture of Malacca from the 
Portuguese in 1640-41', JMBR AS, xiv, pt. i (1936), 68). 



that place is the general Rendezvous for all the Kingdoms of 
India. When it was taken by the Dutch, three Fathers remain'd 
there ; two of them I knew very well, the other was a French 
Man who dy'd some Years since in Europe. They demanded a 
place where they might administer to the Catholicks ; the Dutch 
sent to Jacatra for Orders to give them a Church, and it is reponed 
they design'd it should be that of St Anthony ; but the Fathers 
being too impatient of delay, tho the Dutch themselves advis'd 
them to be modérate, they threatned the Dutch they would take 
from them the Water ofthe Well of Batachina [Boukit China], 
which is the best they have, and is always guarded. 1 These 
Threats provok'd the Dutch, who sent them to Jacatra, where they 
were forbid saying Mass. The French Father, who was over-zealous, 
even in the Opinión of his own Brethren, continued saying of it. 
They grew angry at him, took away a Crucifix he had, and the 
Villains burnt it publickly, the Father himself was at the foot of 
the Gallows : happy he, had he ended his Life there. 2 
8. The compass of Malaca is small, but the situation strong. It is 
encompass'd with good Walls and Bulworks, it is in the shape of 
a Sugar-loaf, in the upper part stood the House and Church of 
the Society: the Church now serves as a Wall and the Monastery 
at present is a Magazine. 3 It was a great annoyance to the Portu- 
gueses, as they themselves say, that they had not level'd that 
Eminence. Among the Hereticks I met there was one who always 
valu'd himself upon his Wisdom, tho he had none; he ob- 
stinately urg'd that Woman was more perfect than Man ; without 

1 Boukit China, ñame of a hill just NE of Malacca town connected in Malay 
history with Chínese settlers of the fifteenth century and now containing many 
Chínese graves (Blagden, note to Bort's Report, 209). Navarrete did not believe the 
Chínese had ever been there and (T 5) argües against the tradition; cf. Purcell, 

2 The Dutch victors ofTered to let the priests remain in Malacca but the Portuguese 
were quite unable to comprehend this tolerance and elected to go ; two Dominicans 
were left behind to look after rents and incomes. After the threats to cut off the 
well-water the remaining clergy were banished (1645-6) although two Jesuits 
worked there from 165 1-5 (Mac Hacobian, 53-5 ; Smith, 77 ; Rouleau, 'Siqueira', 

3 For a description of the buildings of Malacca, see Mac Hacobian 87-9 ; the 
Jesuit Church is described by G. Schurhammer, SJ, 'The Church of St Paul, 
Malacca',_/MBR^4S, XII, pt. ii (1934), 40-3. 



alledging any reason but his repeated Affirmation. But when St 
Paul was quoted against him he made no answer, either good or 
bad, but swallow'd his Spittle and was silent. 

9. The Hereticks administer Baptism and Matrimony to the 
Catholicks. I found there some Indians from Manila who enjoy 
their Liberty and are free from those Taxes and other Dutys that 
lie upon them in their own Country. 

10. On the 1 ith of February we went aboard again, and the I2th 
with a fair Gale left Cape Rachado astern ; it belongs to Malaca, 
and is possest by the Hollander. Now we begin another Voyage, 
therefore it will be fít to conclude this Chapter, and begin another. 




i. They told us at Malaca, the Season was too far advanced for us 
to reach Goa, so that we travelled in fear and dread. To increase it 
the more, we had a dead Calm in that narrow Sea: We cast 
Anchor at Sun-setting, and at Sun-rising again weigh'd very 
leasurely. Thus we came to an Island uninhabited, call'd Pulo 
Pinang [Pulo-Penang], well wooded; there we took in Water 
very slowly. We continued there two days, and one of them the 
Wind blew very fair, which was needed to compass our Design. 
On the first of March, after Sun-setting, the Wind blew terribly, 
and we being just ready to pass betwixt two of the Islands of 
Nicobar, the Pilot was afraid and back'd his Sails, so that we lost 
Way every moment. The second of the said month, as we sail'd 
betwixt the said Islands, several Boats came out to us with fresh 
Provisions; our People got Hens, Cocos, Plantans, and some 
Amber, all in exchange for oíd Rags. The Vessels were extra- 
ordinary fine, some had thirty Oars, and row'd to the admiration 
of us all. The People were somewhat black, and had red Hair, 
which is wonderful ; among them that row'd there were Women, 
all were naked, saving just before and behind, where they had 
some dirty Rags. According to what they said aboard our Ship, 
those People were so warlike that they had boarded a Dutch 
Ship. It is certain that they devour alive the Europeans they catch. 
The Pilot told me there was a strange Well in an Island we saw 
there, whatever is put into it, whether Iron, Copper, or Wood, 
comes out Gilt ; I do not remember whether that gilding is lasting, 
but it is very remarkable. 1 The Weapons those people use are their 
Oars, which we saw were very sharp-pointed ; the Wood is very 
hard, I believe they will strike through a mud Wall. 

1 Gemelli-Careri (269) also has this story. 


2. The Wind held us the two following days, and we wanted 
forty Leagues of passing the Gulph of Ceylon. The third day we 
were becalm'd, and endeavour'd to avoid the Currents, which 
they said ran toward the Maldivy [Maldive] Islands, but they 
caught us sixty Leagues below Cape Galle [Ceylon] ; all things 
conspir'd to thwart our Course. We had been three days making 
for the Island Ceylon. On the 9th of March when the Pilot least 
expected to make it, the Captain accidentally went out of the 
Cabin, and bent his Sight to discover Land. The Pilot said to 
him : 'It would be a Miracle to see Land now.' The Captain cry'd 
out, 'Land ahead'; had we sail'd one minute longer, the Ship 
had been ashore. They furl'd the Sails, and dropt Anchor with 
all possible expedition, then we plainly saw the Shore. It rain'd 
apace, the Wind blew hard and was right aft. It was very strange, 
we discover'd a League below us two Ships at Anchor as well as 
we; one of them weigh'd immediately away, and sail'd to wind- 
ward of us. We lay there till next day ; the Weather clear'd up, and 
we ran along the Island with a fair Gale. On the 25th of March we 
left Cape Galle astern, with terrible Thunder and Lightning that 
blinded us ; three Men spent that night, till Sun-rising the next 
day, at play, without rising off the ground ; the rest of us were very 
fearful, for the Wind still increas'd, so that we had a dismal night 
of it ; but the three being intent upon gaming, minded nothing. 

3. The Waggoners directed to coast Cape Galle, then along by 
Columbo, and to hold on to Negumbo, as being the best way to 
strike over to Cape Comorin. The Pilot would not steer the usual 
Course ; and it succeeded accordingly, tho the reason he gave for 
it seem'd good enough in regard to the Voyage he was to make ; 
but, in all Matters, new ways are dangerous as it is also to turn 
aside from the oíd, common and tried paths forged by others. 
Next we had Calms and hazy Weather ; we met a Pink bound 
our way ; every body was for making up to it to get some Informa- 
tion, but the Pilot thinking it implied a lessening of his Credit 
and Reputation, would not consent. These Pilots are a strange 
People for tho they perish by it, yet they will neither ask Advice, 
ñor follow it. The Sea ran as swift as an Arrow towards the 
Continent, and the Pilot thought he should fall upon the 



Maldive Islands. One night two Lights on the Coast were seen, 
so near were we to it : We tack'd, and in the morning found our 
selves near Land, but knew it not; in the afternoon two Blacks 
carne up to us in a Catamarón, which is only three pieces of 
Timber on which they go out to Sea. 1 They told us we were oíf of 
Comorin and Tuticorin. The Wind carne to South-West, so 
that in eight days we did not advance a foot. We had sight of 
Cape Comorin, but could not possibly weather it at that time. It 
was then propos'd to make for the Coast of Coromandel. Lent 
was near at an end, no body in the Ship eat Meat so much as 
once, and all did the Duty the Church imposes. That Lent I said 
Mass 31 times, and preach'd 19, which is fair enough at Sea. I 
bless'd Palm on Palm-Sunday, and we did the best we could. 
4. A Council was held about going into Port ; they had before 
talk'd of and resolv'd upon it, yet none would give his Opinión 
in publick. I took upon me to show the Reasons that oblig'd us 
to put into a Harbour, which afterwards all agreed to. That 
night we sail'd before the Wind, and if they would have done as 
the Pilot advis'd, which was to go to Columbo, it had been better 
for us. We sail'd as far as the Fíats, which are fifty Leagues above 
Cape Galle ; all the business was in passing them. On the 8th of 
April so furious a Wind rose with the Moon, that we were forced 
to run before it. The next night we found our selves against Galle, 
we were willing to put in, but no body knew the way; they 
design'd to winter there. We pass'd on to Columbo, cast Anchor ; 
some went ashore, but they would not give leave for the Priests, 
and we were three of us. There are above 3000 Catholicks there, 
and they have no Priest among them ever since the Portugueses so 
disgracefully lost that Island to the Dutch [1656-8], as basely as 
they had done Malacca. So I was told aboard the Ship; some 
blam'd Antony de Sousa Coutinho [1655-6], Brother to him that 
lost Malaca ; others said it was a Judgment, as I have mention'd 
before. His own Countrymen report it of Philip de Mascarenhas, 
who had been Governour there [1640-5], that he us'd to say, the 
King of Candea [Kandy], who was Lord of that noble Island, 
should be his Footman and Groom. There are Men of wonderful 
1 Catamarán : a raft of three or four logs lashed together (Hobson'Jobson, 173). 


Pride in the World. They say, the King, tho a Heathen, begg'd 
Peace and Friendship of him with a Crucifix in his hands ; What 
more could a Christian expect from that Pagan? 1 Yet the Portu- 
gueses complain'd that the Natives of the Island took part against 
them; what reason had they to favour them? It were no wonder 
if the very Elephants and wild Beasts had fought against them. 2 
General Machuca, who took that place, and afterwards Cochin, 
made War upon the Blacks of Tuticorin two months before our 
arrival; he kill'd 14000 of them, built a strong Fort, garison'd it, 
and return'd to Columbo. He carne aboard us civilly, gave us 
Wood of the Cinnamon-Trees ; we chew'd many of the Leaves, 
and they tasted like fine Cinnamon; we were supply'd with 
all things. 3 Some Catholicks carne aboard to Confession; the 
Women show'd much Devotion, sent Beads and Candles to 
bless ; ask'd for Holy Water, Chalice- Water and copies of the 
Gospels. 4 Some were for sending their Sins in writing, others for 
telling them to the Seamen, that they might confess by a third 
hand. An honest French Man and his Wife writ to me very 
feelingly, and presented me ; I sent them Rosary Beads and Pie- 
tures. Another French Man, whose ñame was Bertrán, very Oíd 
and Honourable, had been fourteen Years a Slave to the King of 
that Country ; he fled, I heard his Confession, and got him some 
Alms of the Portugueses. They hang'd two Blacks on the shore 
in sight of us : They were Catholicks, and some Portugueses who 
were ashore told me, that a Heretick Preacher going along with 
them, one of the Blacks turn'd to him, and said, 'Do not preach 

1 The Governor's boast may well have been made ; but the anecdote about the 
king is untrue. 

2 On the Portuguese administration in Ceylon, 1597-1656, see K. W. Goone- 
wardena, The Foundation of Dutch Power in Ceylon 1638-58 (Amsterdam, 1958), and 
H. W. Codrington, A Short History of Ceylon (London, 1929), 124-3 3- 

3 Navarrete is doubly confused : by 'General Machuca* he means the Dutchman 
Maatzuiker. But the Governor at this time, and who 'carne aboard us civilly' was 
Ryckloff Van Goens, and it was he who completed the capture of Ceylon and 
attacked Cochim and Tuticorin, as described here. But the date of this latter is 
wrong : the attack took place not two months but twelve years prior to Navarrete's 
visit. Ceylon was fully under Dutch control by 1658. 

4 Span. Agua de Cáliz ; Churchill omits this. I take it to mean water that has been 
used to rinse out the Chalice and presume it refers to some now forgotten Iberian 
pious practice. 



or talk to me, I know what I am to do, I am a Catholick and so 
I will die.' A good Black indeed. 1 There was Oil of Cinnamon 
sold there, but under half a Quartillo (that is, half a pint and half 
a quartern*) for seven or eight Pieces of Eight; The Scent was 
enough to raise a dead Man ; I twice anointed my Stomach and 
Nostrils with two drops of it, it burnt my Bowels, and I was 
forced to rub my self very well with a Cloth, my Nose swell'd and 
burnt. 2 Had these two anointings been the one some time after the 
other, I had never ventur'd upon the second; but they were 
presently one after the other, which made the Effect the greater. 

5. The Island is two hundred Leagues in length, and sixty in 
breadth ; it is one of the best in the World, if not the best, the 
Temperature incomparable ; Fields green all the Year, the Waters 
many and pleasant ; it produces precious Diamonds and Rubíes, 
and another rich Stone they cali Cats-eye ; it has Mines of Gold 
and Silver, Christal, the best Cinnamon in the World; abun- 
dance of Rice, Coco-Nuts, Fruit; the choicest Elephants, to 
which those of other parts pay Homage. 3 Some few months before 
the Dutch had been a hunting of these Creatures, they drove 150 
of them down towards the Sea, sixty took into the places they had 
enclos'd for them, where they were tam'd ; they sell them to the 
Moors for three or four thousand Ducats apiece; there are Ships 
that carry four and twenty of them: they are very good at Sea, 
because they always bear up against the upper side, and being so 
heavy do much good, and are a stay to the Motion of the Ship. 

6. Many Portugueses live in the Hollanders Bay. And now they 
own how careful our King was of preserving that Island for he 
was us'd to say in all his Orders, 'Let all India be lost, so Ceylon 
be sav'd.' He was in the right, for that Island alone is worth more 
than all they had in the East. We were told there were above four 

1 On the failure of the Dutch to root out Catholicism in territory in India taken 
from the Portuguese see Arasaratnam, ' Aspects', 1 3 . 

2 'An Oyl . . . which . . . smelleth excellently well. They use it for Ointments 
for Aches and Pains, and to burn in Lamps to give light in their houses' (Knox, 

3 A common tale among early writers : 'Elephants . . . brought from other places 
do them Obeisance' (J. von der Behr, 'Diarium or Day Book', in R. R. Hart, 
Germansin Dutch Ceylon (Colombo, 1953), 22, 102). 



hundred Portugueses at Candía, which is the King's Court, and 
is in the Heart of the Island, with their Wives and Children, and 
maintain'd by the King [Raja Sinha II; 1629-87], but they 
affirm he is fearful of them. He was at War with the Dutch and in 
the Year 1669 the Dutch took the Prince [Ambanvela Rale] ; 
eight days after they sent him to Jacatra, in order to be sent into 
Holland. Unlucky and most Unhappy Prince, what a disaster 
befel him! 1 

7. All the Spices, as Cinnamon, Cloves, Nutmets, Pepper, &c, 
are in the Power of the Dutch ; but the English and French deal in 
Pepper, because it is to be had in many places. In Ceylon there 
are abundance of Horses, Cows, Sheep, Asses. The Portugueses 
said they had five thousand Slaves only for fílling in with earth and 
working at their Fortifications. 

8. The principal places in that island are Negombo, Columbo, 
Galle, Matara, Mahature, Trincomalee, and others of less note. 
Besides this the Dutch are at present possess'd of Manor, all the 
Kingdom of Negapatam, Jafnapatam, Java, Tuticorin, Cochin 
and Macasar. They have abundance of Faetones in those Eastern 
Parts; the greatest of them are Perak, Kedah, Vargueron, 
Vencelam, Pegu, Arakan ; Fifty in the Kingdoms of Bengal, 
Vipelapatam, Cararga, Palacot, Clicaceli, Mahilipatam, Carcal, 
Negapatam, Calipiti, Caimal, Calature, Batacolor, Punta de 
Piedra, Quilon, Carnopoly (?), Peria, Castel, Cangranor, 
Cannanore, Vengurla, in all these Places they have Forts and 
Garrisons. Pulicat, Masulipatam, Golconda, Suratte, Kung, 
Bandarabassi, a Port in Persia, are also Faetones : So they have at 
Isfahan, Basrah, Jeddah; Agrá, the Mogol's Court, Borneo, 
Siam, Tunquin, Cochinchina and Japan. 

9. The English are at Kung, Suratte, Bombay, which was part 
of Queen Catherine's Dowry, Karwar, Cape Ramus, and near 

1 The 'Prince' referred to, was a chief, Ambanvela Rale, one of the leaders of the 
Kandyan rebellion, which broke out in 1664, against Raja Sinha. The King 
handed Ambanvela Rale over to the Dutch for executíon, apparently because he 
thought they would know of more exquisite forms of torture. They, however, freed 
the prisoner, treated him well, and hoped to use him against Raja Sinha (S. 
Arasaratnam, Dutch Power in Ceylon, i6$8-8y (Amsterdam, 1958), 25 ff. ; Knox, 
95 ; R. R. Hart, Germansin Dutch Ceylon (Colombo, 1953). 3^, 107). 



Goa, Madrastapatan. Here they have a very fine Fort, with a good 
Garrison, and heavy Cannon; Masulipatam, Madapollam, 
Vellore (?), Hugli, Bantam. When I carne away they quitted 
Siam, they lik'd not the Country and Trade: they have also 
footing in the Island Hermosa. The French begin to have a Trade 
in India; they have Faetones at Suratte, Rajapur, Masulipatam, 
Bengal, Siam and Sumatra. Not long since I was inform'd that 
the Fleet I met at the Island of Madagascar had put into Ceylon, 
where they built a Fort, with the leave and permission of the King 
of that Country ; but the Dutch destroy'd it, took their Men, 
Ships, and other things. Afterwards understanding the Wars were 
then in Europe, they kept all they had taken, and the French 
remain'd Prisoners. The other part of that Fleet laid siege to the 
City St. Thomas, and took it, the Infidels being unprovided. 
Afterwards a great Power of Infidels carne down and besieg'd the 
French ; what the Event was I know not, but it seems impossible 
they should maintain themselves without a Miracle. They have no 
Provisions but what the country must furnish ; and the Dutch 
will use all means and press at Golconda that they may be 

10. When the Dutch had taken Columbo [1656], they sent an 
Ambassador to the King of Candía. 1 He sufFer'd him not to 
depart his Court in eleven Years. By degrees he made an Orchard 
and Garden to his House, planted Fruit-trees, and curiously 
adorn'd his Habitation. The King gave him leave to return to 
Columbo, and he, that the Natives might not enjoy the fruits of 
his labour and industry, cut down the Trees, pull'd up the Flowers, 
and spoil'd all. The King being told of it, was very much con- 
cern'd, and for a punishment order'd he should stay there till the 
Garden and Orchard were in the same condition they had been 
before he spoil'd them. 2 He ask'd of the Dutch a small Ship to see 
the shape and manner of those us'd in Europe. They made a fine 
one lin'd with Copper, and sent him word it was all Gold. He 

1 For a detailed description of the siege of Colombo, see Goonewardena, 167-74. 

2 Raja Sinha was said to have a rough way of dealing with ambassadors ; see 
P. E. Pieris, Ceylon and the Holknders, i6<,8-ij<)6 (Tellippalai, 1918), 23; and 
Knox, 290-3. 



found it was not, resented the fraud, and conceiv'd an ill opinión 
of those People. What a folly it was to think he should not dis- 
tinguish betwixt Gold and other Metals ! He left two Kingdoms 
and retir'd into the heart of the Island. Not long before his own 
People had assaulted him in his Palace, designing to kill him, but 
he made his escape, and absconded for a Month. Then he re- 
turn'd, found means to execute some Great Men, and put their 
Wives to death, by which he secur'd him self. The Portu- 
gueses told us thus much during the twelve days we stay'd in the 
Port. 1 

11. The Dutch Judg ask'd the Captain of our Ship whether the 
Pope has power to take away King Alfonso's Wife, and give her 
to his Brother Prince Peter. The Portuguese had not a word to say, 
as he himself told me. 2 

12. The Coin that past at Columbo was Rix-dollars, Rupies, 
S. Thomas's, Pagodes, Pieces of Eight, and a particular Coin for 
the Country like that they had at Malaca. I sent a Sample of it to 
the Governour of Manila, that he might see the Metal and form of 
it, in case he would coin any like it, which has been talk'd of 
many Years, but is not yet begun. 3 There is no comparison be- 
tween the Philippine Islands, and Malaca, Colombo or others of 
the same stamp, and yet these have coin'd a current sort of Money, 
which never goes out of the Country yet in the Philippine Islands 
for these hundred years, they have no Coin, but the Silver of New 
Spain. I have seen a Memorial at Madrid, which treats of this 

13. Francis Carón a Dutchman took Nigumbo. He himself told 
the manner of it, and said, the Portugueses might easily have 
hindred them landing, and then they could never have hurt them ; 
but they scofíed at them, and cry'd, 'Let those Drunkards land, 

1 For an account of the abortive rebellion against Raja Sinha in 1664, see Arasa- 
ratnam, Dutch Power, 25 ff. ; and Knox, 92 ff., 221 ff. 

2 In 1668 Afonso VI of Portugal was deposed and his marriage nullifTed ; his 
brother Pedro succeeded him and married his wife. More details of this incident 
are given in C 615, where the Captain is identified as Manuel Rodríguez Palmero. 

3 This subject is expanded at T60-2. In 1656 Govr. Manrique deLara reported 
to Madrid on Philippine coinage problems and lamented the skill of Chínese 
forgers (AGN, R. Céds. vi, Ex. 121). 



and then we will treat them as they deserve ;' (it is great folly and 
pride to despise an Enemy) they landed, drew up, the Fight 
began, and the Portugueses fled. 1 The River of the Fishery is near 
Nigumbo, the Dutch are Masters of all. At Columbo our Pilot 
being oíd and worn out, ask'd for a Dutch able Pilot, who knew 
those Seas. He design'd if the Weather would permit to put into 
Galle, and lie there till September. There is a Port, tho none of the 
best, and plenty of Provisions. We carne near the mouth of the 
Harbour, the Wind was scant and we were to Leeward, therefore 
we dropp'd two Anchors. That Night was one of the dismallest 
that ever Man had at Sea. The Ship was foul of the Cables, the 
Sea ran high, the motion was so violent that a Man was safe in no 
place, there was not a Bed or Couch but broke the Lashers with 
which it was tied. Boxes, Chests, Jars, Flasks, and every thing 
was beaten to pieces. The worst was, that every time the Sea beat 
against the Ship we imagin'd she would founder. She bore much, 
but at last began to leak so fast that the Pumps could not deliver 
the Water out of her. 

14. Thus we continued till one of the Clock next day. Good 
God, what falls and bangs we had ! But it pleas'd the Lord we 
had an opportunity to weigh and we sail'd quite round the Island 
with a stifF Gale, and so to Jafanapatan. Opposite to New Port a 
Dunkirker carne up with us, she put into that Port, and we past 
on. That day we discover'd St Thomas's Mount, and saluted the 
Saint with Ave Guns. On the second of May we anchor'd before 
Madrastapatan. I had an extraordinary desire to be ashore. A 
Portuguese came aboard, and I got into the Boat that brought him, 
so did others. Those are very odd Boats, they have no Nails or 
Pins, but the Boards are sew'd together with Ropes made of Coco, 
the Water enter'd by a thousand Holes and tho the Moors assur'd 
us they were safe, yet we could not but be in great fear. 2 When 
they come towards the Shore, they take the Surges, which drive 

1 For the taking of Negombo, see C. R. Boxer (ed.), A True Description of the 
Mighty Kingdoms of Japan and Siam [by Francis Carón] (London, 1935), lxxix- 
lxxxv, especially lxxx, which explains the background to Navarrete's remarks. 

2 These surf-boats are Mussoolas, used on the Coromandel Coast, especially at 
St Thomé where the swell is 'ambitious' (Hobsott'Jobson, 602-3). Navarrete's 
descripdon is accurate. 



them up so that we stept out of the boat upon the dry Sand. 
Thousands of Souls waited there to know the Ship, and who 
carne aboard it. I went immediately to the Church of the French 
Capuchins, who resided there, to give God thanks for having 
deliver'd us from the Sea. 




1. When we carne to this place, we found it beseig'd by the King 
of Golconda's Army, but without his Orders ; their design was to 
extort something from the English, but they were disappointed. It 
is on the Coast of Coromandel, half a League short of the City 
of St Thomas, otherwise called Meliapor. Here the English have 
a noble Fort ; they have also other Walls, but small, within which 
live all the Portugueses, who after the losing of Jafanapatan, 
Negapatan, and St Thomas, weut to seek places to dwell. The 
English receiv'd them, and they live under their Protection and 
Government. They stand the English in stead, for upon occasion 
they make use of them, as they did at this time, when all Men took 
Arms and guarded the Walls. The Enemy had stopp'd all the 
Avenues, so that Provisions grew scarce. 1 There is neither Port 
ñor Water, this last they get out of some small Wells they have 
dig'd. Ships lie safe six Months, then they go away till the fair 
Weather comes again. The English allow a publick Church, 
kept by two French Capuchins ; 2 and tho there are many Secular 
Clergy-men, they all have to say Mass in the Fryers' Church, with 
no small subjection and dissatisfaction ; but the English who are 
Masters there, favouring the Religious, they must have patience 

2. Two Years before, there had been a great contest there betwixt 

1 This was a month-long blockade imposed by Chinapella Mirza, an officer of 
Nawáb Neknam Khan ; it had been brought about by a disagreement over dues to 
be paid to the Nawáb (Love, i, 278; EF, new series, II, 9-1 1). The date of the 
siege is not known; but Navarrete shows it must have been April-May, 1670. It 
was called off when Governor Foxcroft complained to the Nawáb (Carré, 568). 

2 These were the celebrated friars Ephraim de Nevers, and Zenon de Baugé. 
Both were devoted to the interests of the English and this brought on them criucism 
from the Portuguese and others (Carré, 549-54). But their standing with the English 
enabled a thriving Catholic community to exist ; see para. 9 below. 



two English Governors [Winter and Foxcroft], both of whom 
would govern the place, and there was no reconciling of them. 
The Portugueses were divided, some favour'd the one, and others 
the other. One got the better, and banish'd many of the Portu- 
gueses that oppos'd him, together with the French Capuchins. 
Above a Year after he gave them leave to return. 

3. It is in about 12 or 13 Degrees of North Latitude, and an 
excellent Climate, any nice Man may live there ; the conveniency 
of buying Clothes is great, all those People living upon it. 1 1 took 
up a little Room the Religious gave me, there I study'd, and eat 
what an honest Portuguese sent me. Another maintain'd the 
Religious. There I found a Biscainer, whose ñame was Dominick 
López, an honest Man in good repute, had a Wife and two 
children, but was poor. He told me very great hardships he had 
endur'd among the Portugueses. I advis'd him to send his Sons to 
Manila, what he did I know not. I also found a Germán who was 
a mighty Mathematician, ingineer and good Souldier ; he did the 
Portugueses good service, but they requited him ¡11. Knowing 
who he was, and how well look'd upon, I propos'd to him to go 
away to Manila, where he might come to Preferment with ease. 2 
He agreed to it, I writ to the Governour about it, and directed him 
how to send his answer. 

4. I went with him to St Thomas, we were first in a Church of 
Franciscans, which they cali our Lady of Light, there was a 
Religious there even poorer than I yet he gave us to eat; and 
because I had none he gave me his Hat. I spoke with the Gover- 
nour of the Bishoprick, who told me he would go the next day to 
the Mount. 3 We spent that Evening in a House of Jesuits [at the 
little Mount] but there was never a one in it. There we saw the 
Fountain the Holy Apostle made between two Rocks, and drank 
of it with much satisfaction ; we also saw two Crosses cut in the 

1 The Spaniards valued the Coromandel cloth highly ; already they were buying 
it through Macassar and some was shipped to México (EF, 1 642-5, 223-4). 

2 Others, too, praised the Germans as hard-working, frugal people, whereas the 
English 'cant live without flesh and strong drink* (EF, 1670-7, 153). 

3 The Bishopric of St Thomé [de Meliapor] was vacant from 1637 £ ° I<5 93 ; the 
Vicar-General referred to here is the Silva of para. 10 below. St Thomé is a suburb 
of modern Madras. 



hard Rocks, the Workmanship of the same Saint. We went into 
the Cave where we pray'd, it was very small, they afterwards cut 
the Rock and enlarg'd it. On one side there is a Breach in the 
Rock, which made a small Window. They recount for a certain 
truth and a receiv'd tradition, that when the Infídels carne to kill 
him, the Saint would transform himself into a Peacock, and get 
out that way. (Every Man may believe what he pleases, but I am 
apt to suspect that if the Terra Australis Incógnita be discover'd, 
there will presently be other footsteps of St Thomas found there, 
and there will not want reasons and probabilities to make it out 

5. In the way hither it is that happen'd to me which I have often 
told : A pair of small curious Chínese Wallets slip'd ofF the little 
Horse I rodé on, and in them my Breviary and some other petty 
things; I did not observe this, but met two Moors with their 
Spears, who saluted me, and went their way ; soon after I heard 
loud calling out, which made me turn about to see what was the 
matter, and perceiv'd the Moors pointing with their Spears to my 
Wallets. 2 I return'd, and made signs to them to reach them up to 
me but they would not touch them. I made signs again that they 
reach them me upon the point of their Spears. They understood 
me, and one of them taking them up with his Spear he handed me 
them. I thank'd them by signs, and went my way. WhatEuropean 
would have done so much here, or there? 

6. That Evening we carne to the Mount, there are two little 
Houses at the foot of it uninhabited, besides others gone to ruin. 
When the Infídels took the City, they destroy'd all about it, but 
durst not meddle with the Apostle's Church, ñor with that of our 
Lady of Light. The ascent of the Mountain is steep and difficult, 
but well provided with Seats and resting-places at certain dis- 
tances. On the top is a small Fiat or Plain tho kept in nice order, 
wall'd about in stone breast-high, with good Seats, altars at two 

1 According to legend, St Thomas reached India and was martyred on the 
Mount. Lovc discusses the subject, and quotes various writers on the Saint's relies 
and the 'Peacock -city' (1, 286-7, -29-2-5 ; n, 96-102). Navarrete repeats his doubts 
about this atC67, 653. 

2 The Muslims in India were usually referred to as 'Moors' ; the Hindus as 

K 299 


corners and large Trees to make a Shade. In the middle is a 
curious little Church, with a House for a Priest and two Servants. 
The Prospect all about the Hill is incomparable, and extends as 
far as the sight can reach. To lie that night, we went down from 
the Mountain, and took up under a Tree upon the bare ground. 
Our Rest lasted not long, for a violent shower carne on, which 
oblig'd us to get into a little House, into which we felt our way, 
and feared to meet with some Vermin. It secur'd us from the 
Rain, but we had a troublesome night of it, for we were engag'd 
with the Knats which never ceas'd tormenting of us. 
7. Next day we went up the Mount again. The Diocesan Gover- 
nour carne and we said Mass, I uncover'd the Holy Cross and 
Picture of our Blessed Lady. The Holy Cross is both in nature 
and appearance exactly as Historians describe it, part of it is 
bloody, they say it is the Apostle's blood; I worship'd it and 
touch'd my Rosary Beads to it and others that were brought me for 
that purpose. Our Lady's Picture is painted upon Board, very 
beautiful, but the Colours somewhat decay'd. There they said, it 
had been found at the same time with the Cross, which is a mighty 
evidence against antient and modern Herédeles, who oppose 
Pictures ; we worship'd, and I touch'd the Beads to it also. 1 The 
second Mass being ended, the Tabernacle in which those great 
Relicks are kept, was cover'd and lock'd up. The good Priest 
made much of us, we spent another night there upon the Bricks 
but such a Bed not being very easy, we got a Horseback betimes 
in the Morning ; I went to say Mass at our Lady of Light, there 
I stay'd till Evening, being left with only my Chínese, and 
that Holy Religious, for the Germán went home, carrying my 
Horse with him. We went to see the City of St Thomas ; the 
Moors would not let us in but from the Cate we saw some good 
Buildings, and very fine Walls. A Gentleman that was with me 
lamented that loss very much. The English are not so strong at 
Madrastapatan, yet they hold it and are like so to do. What signify 
Walls and Bulwarks, where there is no Government? I saw some 
curious Temples of the Natives, and wonderful large, deep and 

1 Hamilton (1, 197-8) gives fuller details and seems to have believed in the 
authenticity of the relies which he had 'often seen'. 



wide Ponds, with artificial Islands in the middle curiously 
contriv'd. I walk'd gently home along those Habitations of 
Infidels, observing what was worthy of it. This was the 2ist of 
June, and on the 24th I was to travel by land. 

8. But before I set out it is requisite to observe some things, and to 
know them ; not, however, to follow, but in order to reject them : 
the Inhabitants of the City of St Thomas carne to be very rich 
and powerful and consequently grew very proud. It is generally 
reported of one Woman, that she grew to that height of vanity, 
that when she went to Church attended by many Women-slaves, 
one went before with a Censor perfuming her with Burnt-sweets. 
Can any madness be greater? She had, say they, so many St 
Thomas's (they are Crown-pieces with the Effigies of the Apostle) 
that she measur'd them by the Peck. 1 What follows is worse; 
many told me, (would to God it were a lye, and I had not heard 
it) that Catholick men were Pimps to Catholick Women, with 
Mahometans and Gentiles. Fryar dos Anjos will do well to note 
this. A beautiful and honest Maid was forc'd out of her Father's 
House, and deliver'd to a Mahometan. The King of Golconda has 
a Concubine to this day, the Daughter of a Portuguese. At a 
Procession of the Holy Week in the City of St Thomas, some 
Portugueses, tho' in the presence of Heathen, drew their Swords 
one against another ; there's Devotion and good Example for you ! 
It was common to permit the Infidels to make Processions within 
the City Walls, and so it was to be Godfathers at Christnings and 
Weddings, in Heretick Churches along that Coast. At Travancor 
one Portuguese kill'd another cióse by the Altar at the Consecra- 
tion as Mass was saying by Friar Michael John, whom I visited, 
saw and discours'd with at Madrastapatan. 

9. These two French Capuchins are not belov'd by the Portu- 
gueses ; one of them holds some odd opinions, as that the Apostle 
St Thomas did not touch our Saviour's Wounds, and therefore 

1 Manucci (111, 124-5) has this story too and his account of the lady's end would 
have seemed proper to Navarrete : 'Justa Padráo . . . had her own room swept with 
brooms of gold, and other places with brooms of silver . . . and had servants with 
golden censers to incensé her . . . when she carne to die . . . she had not even a 
piece of cloth to make a shroud and at her burial was wrapped in a reed-mat.' See 
also Cortés Osorio, 45 bis, verso and C 638. 



that Capuchin does not paint him as we do, but with his hands 
join'd. I had never heard of any such opinión before. I had a 
mind afterwards to be satisfy'd as to this point, so I look'd into 
Cornelius a Lapide, who proposes the doubt and tho he quotes 
two or three Authors for the Negative, yet he proves the Affirma- 
tive by the common consent of Saints and Doctors. Is not this 
more than enough to make a Man follow the general opinión, and 
accommodate himself to his parishioners if it were only for quiet- 
ness sake? Neither would that Frier admit of carv'd Images in the 
Church. I fancy'd perhaps they might not be us'd in France, but 
was assur'd they were. <He also holds the opinión, common to 
others, that the English Hereticks are not damned for they may 
repent at the End. One such being dead, that Religious, with 
Candle in hand, accompanied him to his Grave. For this and 
other things they carried him to the Inquisition of Goa. He trans- 
lated all the Bible into Portuguese and it is in the hands of Blacks 
and Whites there. 1 ) 

10. There was a great and scandalous contention about who 
should be Governour of that Diocese, two Competitors strove for 
it. Silva was one of them, and Diaz Canarin the other. 2 The 

1 The Churchills omit the passage bracketed above; see p. cxvii. The friar 
referred to is Ephraim who had been welcomed by the English at Madras in 1642 
to care for the half-caste Catholics employed there. His 'sanctity and learning' 
earned the respect of the English ; his conversions aroused the Protestant chaplains' 
professional jealousy (EF, 1655-60, 402-6). The Portuguese denounced him to the 
Inquisition whose agents kidnapped him (1649), imprisoning him in Goa; the 
incensed English retaliated by imprisoning the leading priest of St Thomé. The 
King of Golconda, 'Abdullah Qutb Sháh, threatened to bum down Meliapor if 
Ephraim were not freed, and the Inquisition hastily yielded, releasing the friar 
(165 1) to return to his work. Navarrete unjustly repeats some of the false charges 
brought against Ephraim. Ephraim admitted to translating the New Testament 
into Portuguese, but the accusation of having buried a 'Heretick' with Catholic 
Rites is disproved by the Protestant Chaplain's lament that 'severall persons ... are 
falne from our congregations . . . seduced by 2 fryers' who 'at the buryall of their 
dead, march before the corps with bell, booke, candle and crosse . . .' (EF, 1655-60, 
403). Other accounts of the celebrated friar in EF, 1651-4, xxviii, 92; Manucci, 
ni, 428-80 (allowing for his anti-Portuguese tendencies); Tavernier, 1, 176-86; 
Carré, 549-5 1 ; R. da Cesinale, Storia delle missioni dei Cappuccmi (Paris-Rome, 
1867-73), ni, 299-321 ; F. Penny, The Church in Madras in the íyth and i8th Cen" 
turies (London, 1904-22), 1, 26-3 3 ; Love, 1, 47 ff. ; Chappoulie, 1, 99- 

2 'Canarin' was a term used to describe an inhabitant of Kanara ; one of the 



latter was at Trangamba [Tranquebar] and the fírst near St 
Thomas, and is the same that went with me to the Mountain, 
when I visited that Holy Place. Father Pesoa favour'd him ; and 
the Franciscan, Augustinian, and Dominican Fathers having 
spoke for the other at Goa, Pesoa said, they were all ignorant 
Fellows. Pesoa went away to Madrasta, and affirm'd that Silva 
was legally excommunicated by Father Díaz, who was the lawful 
Governour. Norwithstanding all this, the next day he admitted 
him to say Mass in his Church. Pesoa's Companion sided with 
Diaz. He writ a large Paper in defence of Diaz, and his Opinión, 
and challeng'd the French Capuchins, who stood for Silva, to 
dispute that point with them, appointing the English Preacher 
Judg betwixt them. Was ever the like heard of among even the 
barbarous Blacks of Angola? 

11. Diaz took the short cut, and had recourse to the Mahometan 
King of Golconda to use forcé; he sent his Officers, who carry'd 
away with them Father Sylva, two Jesuits, and above forty 
Portuguese Men and Women Prisoners. They were brought 
before the King, who bid them chuse one of the two in his 
presence, and obey him. They did not agree, were cast into 
Prison, where one Portuguese kill'd another; they gave very ill 
example; one Jesuit was expell'd the Society, some Men and 
Women dy'd of the fatigue of the Journey. Frier Ephrem, a 
Capuchin, assur'd me that above fourscore had been foresworn 
upon the Evangelists in that Quarrel. 

12. Diaz, afterwards betook himself to the English Governour of 
Madrasta, and sought his Protection. So he sollicited the assistance 
of a Mohametan and a Heretick. The dispute is still afoot. When 
I left there were two Governours, I know not whether either of 
them is dead, this is the only way of adjusting that difference. 

13. It is a sad thing to see the Lusitanian People, formerly so 
famous, and dreadful in those parts, now so oppress'd and 
trampl'd on by those Nations. 

14. Father Silva, the day we were at St Thomas his Mountain, 

Konkani people of Goa ; or a Creóle Portuguese of Goa or other Indian settlement 
(Carré, 343). I know no other account of this confused anecdote, which is recalled 
at R 67. 



told me some passages that had hapned at Goa, concerning some 
Wills made there; but 'many things are said, which are not 
prov'd', we must not believe all things. 

15. At Madrasta I spoke with the Malabar Master that the 
Capuchins had at their Church to instruct the Natives. Inquiring 
into some Particulars, I found that Nation owns ííve Elements, 
Fire, Earth, Water, Air, and Wind. They adore the Sun, Moon 
and Stars (tho Mahometanism is introduced there, yet most of the 
Natives stick to their Paganism) they have a great reverence for 
Cows. They say, a certain God took flesh upon him in one of 
them, and that they are that God's Horses. The greatest Oath 
Kings swear, is by a Cow, and they never break it. They kill no 
Creature, undervalue those that eat them, and despise those of 
their Country that become Christians. The greatest reproach they 
cast upon a Christian, is to tell him, he eats Beef. When they are 
near death, they endeavour to have a Cow near at hand, and they 
clasp her Fundament as near as they can to the dying Person's 
mouth, that as he breaths out his Soul at his mouth it may go in 
at the Cow's back-door. They honour the Lion, saying another 
God rides on him ; and they pay a respect to Deer, Dogs, Mice 
and Kites. Many days they will not break their Fast till they have 
seen a Kite. When they yawn they cali the Dog, snapping their 
Fingers, which is calling of the God that rides upon the Dog, 
who has power to hinder the Devil from entring the Body when 
the Mouth opens. 




i. When we arriv'd at Madrastapatan, our Pilot said he would 
make a Voyage to Tenaseri [Tenasserim], or some other place 
before going to Goa, to make amends for the great Expence he 
had been at ; his Resolution was dislik'd. For this reason, and to 
avoid the Sea which had quite tir'd me, I resolv'd to go to Goa 
by Land : They gave me such a description of the Road, that it 
would have put any Man into the mind of seeing it, tho he had 
never so little mind to travel. I sold some Rags at a poor rate, left 
some Books and Papers with my Friends, borrow'd eight Pieces 
of Eight to be paid in Goa. I went to the English Governor, rather 
to beg an Alms, than to take my leave ; told him my Want and 
Design, he immediately with much courtesy gave me fíve 
Pagodas of Gold, which amount to little less than ten Pieces of 
Eight. 1 A Native of Cañara gave me two, so I thought I had 
enough for my Journey. The day before I set out, I took more 
notice than I had done before of the practice of the European 
Factors in those Parts ; they are all serv'd by the Natives, who are 
most faithful, submissive, and punctual in doing what they are 
commanded. Some Factors have above 100 Servants; they are 
very chargeable for every one has a Piece of Eight and half, or two 
Pieces of Eight wages a Month ; all these come together in the 
Evening to bid good night to the Factor, Governor, or Com- 
mander, and take their leave to go to their own Homes to bed. 
They rank themselves over against the Fort; some have lighted 
Torches in their hands, others beat Kettle-drums, others sound 
Trumpets, others play on Fifes, the rest beat their Spears and 
Bucklers together for above a quarter of an hour. After this a great 

1 This was George Foxcroft, Governor until his departure for England in 
January 1672. For the pagoda, see the article in Hobson'Jobson, and C. H. Philips 
(ed.), Handbook of Oriental History (London, 195 1), 62. 



Lanthorn was hung out on the top of the Governor's Palace ; he 
appear'd at a Balcony, they all made him a low Bow, and there 
was an end of the Ceremony, which indeed was pleasant enough 
to see. Those Gentlemen take great state upon them ; too much I 

2. I bought a Horse to carry me my Journey for the eight Pieces of 
Eight, for four more I hir'd an Ox to carry my Chínese and a 
Gentile who spoke a little Portuguese. A poor Portuguese went 
along with me to add to my Charge. On Midsummer-day at three 
in the Afternoon we set out of Madrasta. During this Journey, 
which held me 24 days, God be prais'd, nothing hap'ned amiss 
to me. The lodging Houses, which they cali Chauril, were not all 
alike, but all alike were open without any Door, free to all the 
World. 1 Nevertheless we always lay quiet and safe, sometimes in 
great Towns, without being molested by any body in the least, 
which would be rare among Catholicks. The Portugueses had a 
small Leather-bottle for Water ; they are made at Golconda, they 
would be of no less valué in our parts than in those hot Regions 
for when the Water had been an hour in it, tho the Weather were 
never so hot, it become so cool that I daily admir'd it anew ; in two 
or three hours it was very cold ; thus we never wanted good Drink 
all the way. I afterwards bought one, which lasted me a long time, 
and was well worth my Mony ; at Suratte I gave it to an Indian of 
Manila ; they would save a great expence of Ice in Europe. Our 
Food was not good, for there was nothing but Milk, Whey, 
Curds and Onions ; but abundance of these things, as well in 
Towns as on the Mountains, on which there is abundance of 
Cattle. When we saw a Cottage, at the least Cali out carne the 
Shepherds with a pot of Milk, and four of us would drink our 
Belly-full for a Halfpenny. 

3. A very remarkable Passage befel me with the Gentile, who 
was owner of the Ox : He carry'd his Pot to dress his Meat (so 
they all do travel) wrap'd in Clothes, and put into a Sack : My 
Man touch'd it thru' the Sack, the Heathen saw it, and carne to 
me in a rage like a Tyger, complaining that his Pot was defiTd, 

1 'Chowry' is the western Indian form of the southern word 'Choultry' (Hobsotf 
Jobson, arts. 'choultry' and 'chuttrum'). 



and there was no pacifying of him. At last he puH'd the Pot out of 
the Sack, and with wonderful rage dash'd it against the stones, I 
was forced to buy him another. I said and did enough to have 
convinc'd a Stock, but these People are harder than Bronze in the 
observation of their barbarous Customs. There are three ranks or 
degrees of People in that Country : the Banianes are the Nobility 
and Gentry, they are great Fasters, and abstain from Flesh all their 
life-time ; their ordinary Food is Rice, sour Curds, Herbs, and the 
like. 1 Others are call'd Parianes, these neither eat ñor drink any 
thing that another has touch'd, ñor out of a Vessel that another 
has touch'd, tho there be many Clothes over it. My Heathen 
Ox-driver was one of these, he would never eat any thing from 
my hand, ñor drink out of any Vessel of mine; he broke the Pot 
because it had been touch'd. Among these Parianes, there is one 
sort who are look'd upon by the rest as base and vile People. These 
on the Roads, when they see one of the others, step aside and give 
them the way : In Towns they come not to any bodys Door but 
their Equals; in the Streets so soon as ever they see a Man that is 
not of their own Rank, they run or hide themselves. They are 
despis'd and hated by all Men, and look'd upon as leprous and 
contagious Persons. I heard say, they had been formerly the noblest 
People in that Country, and that for a piece of Treachery they 
committed, they were so cast down ; in so much that the others will 
not admit of them as Servants or Slaves; and if it were made out 
that one of them had been within the House of one of the others, 
he would immediately pulí down the whole Structure. They are 
the most miserable People in the World ; the greatest AfFront is to 
cali them Parían, which is worse than among us Dog, and base 

4. It is wonderful what numbers of great and small Cattel we met 
with in the Fields ; I saw two species of Sheep and Goats, some 
like those of Spain, others much bigger. There are also those 
Sheep which are found in many other parts, and which we usually 
cali fíve quarters : The Goats are vastly taller than ours ; the Shees 

1 'Banyan, a Hindú trader ... but the term is often applied by early travellers in 
Western India to persons of the Hindú religión generally' (Hobson'Jobson, 63). For 
Pariah, ibid. 678 ; and Philips, 59, 71, 75. 



had at their Throat two little Dugs longer than their Ears. As the 
Egyptians kept Ewes and Cows for their Milk and Wool ; so do 
these People for the same reason. 

5. There are infinite Groves of wild Palm-trees. At Manila they 
are not minded, and here they are the greatest Riches of the Earth : 
They draw from them a great deal of the Liquor I said was call'd 
Tuba [Toddy] at Manila, which yields them good profit.Theyalso 
produce a sort of Fruit which I saw not in any other place, and is 
like Snow, the coolest thing in the World. It is wonderful to see 
what Woods there are of Tamarine-Trees, we often travel'd a 
considerable way under their shade. I gather'd the Berries as I 
rodé, and eat them with a special Gust. Near them we often found 
stately Ponds all of Stone ; when it rains they fill up to the top, and 
that Water lasts all the dry season; there Travellers stop, rest, 
drink, and water their Beasts. They told me they were the work of 
great and rich Heathens, who being mov'd to compassion, seeing 
there was no Water for Travellers in several places, had caus'd 
those Ponds to be made to supply this defect and want. 

6. The Tamarine Trees are planted very regularly; the Natives 
make use of their Shade to weave their Webs in it, sheltered from 
the Sun. Their Houses are little and dark, they cannot see in them 
to weave, ñor is there room for the Looms, therefore they have 
provided that Shade for this purpose. They make much use of the 
Fruit in dressing their Diet. 

7. We also saw stately and antient Temples, and wonderful 
Mosques of the Mohametans. The further we travel'd, the greater 
Towns we met with ; in some of them there was a mighty con- 
course of Passengers, Horses, Elephants, and abundance of 
Camels, which in that Country carry all Burdens. The Mahomet- 
ans travel with great state; the Governors of large Towns went in 
Royal state. They were always very civil to me, I had occasion to 
speak to one of them; I took oíf my Hat, he would not hear a 
word till I was cover'd and sat down by him. In some places I met 
Persians and Armenians, fine Men, graceful, tall, well-shap'd, 
very courteous, and they have the best Horses in the World. 

8. About the middle of July, near a Town, we found a little 
Brook so clear and cool we were surpriz'd at it; I guess'd the 



Spring was near and we drank unmercifully. Our Diet being 
slender it did us harm, and particularly me so we were forced to 
stay a day there. Next day a Scorpion stung the Portuguese, I 
really thought he would have dy'd, and this somewhat retarded 
our Journey. We came to a River so wide and deep, that the 
Horse, who was but small, could not carry me over ; It was some 
hardship, for we waded with the Water up to our Breasts; the 
Current was rapid, and the Portuguese a poor Heartless bit of a 
Man began to cry out that the Water carry'd him away ; and since 
it was so indeed we had all enough to do to bring him off. After 
this we pass'd another River but not so deep and for more safety I 
deliver'd the Papers and Letters I had to my Man, charging him 
to be very careful. No sooner was he in the River, but he fell, 
and left all he carry'd in the Water. I was very much concern'd 
at this Misfortune; to remedy it in some measure, I laid all the 
Papers in the Sun, and some Chínese Books, which being of 
extraordinary fine Paper suffer'd the more ; in this place we spent 
some hours. To mend the delay we came afterwards to a Lake, the 
Gentile was positive we must cross it to shorten the way ; I was so 
unlucky that my Horse fell, and I too, with my Wallets that carry'd 
the Papers ; I gave all for lost, tho with some trouble and loss of 
time all was reasonably retriev'd. 

9. By the way we fell in with a Pagan Youth of a good Presence ; 
the Horse he rodé on was very fine, his Attendance numerous ; he 
was going to Court to be marry'd, and had with him for State a 
mighty Elephant, well adorn'd with Clothes and Bells. This was 
the second I had seen till that time ; whenever we stop'd, I would 
draw near to take a full view of him. This I did particularly one 
afternoon and as soon as I came near him, his Governor 1 spoke 
one word to him which I did not understand; but the Conse- 
quence show'd what he had said, for he presently fac'd me, and 
made a profound Reverence, bowing all his four-feet at once ; I 
saw them give him Meat and Drink. It hap'ned a Native, without 
reflecting on it, was going to pass before him ; as he came up the 
Elephant stretch'd out his Trunk, and gently gave him a blow on 
the Forehead, which sounded like a good cuíf on the Ear. The 
1 Span . Cornaca : 'one that governs an Elephant' (Stevens, Dktionary). 


Man's colour chang'd, and he stagger'd backward a good way as 
if he had been beside himself. Our laughing brought him to him- 
self, and he passed by keeping well off from that Mountain of 
Flesh. I fancy'd the Elephant thought it unmannerly to go by so 
near him, and therefore he friendly warn'd the Man to look before 
he leap'd. I was much astonish'd at that action which I had seen 
with my own eyes. 

io. After this we carne to a mighty River. The day before the 
Ferry-Boat had been lost for they had swam an Elephant over, 
ty'd to the Boat and he growing angry, carry'd the Boat down the 
River ; then he got to the shore, broke the Rope, and ran about the 
Fields ; his Driver went to catch him, but the Elephant being still 
in a fury, took hold of him with his Trunk, cast him up into the 
Air, of which he died. There were two other Ferry boats there, and 
the comicallest that can be imagin'd for they were round wicker 
Baskets, cover'd without with Cows Hides. We hired one and 
put in all our Baggage, more People carne up, and fourteen 
Passengers of us went into it; the Horse and Ox swam, we 
holding by the Halters; we struck aslant over, and sail'd a 
quarter of a League whilst one might say the Creed three or four 
times. The Current was violent, we all quak'd for fear, and were 
cram'd together without the least motion. We landed, I paid our 
Passage, the Owner took his Basket-Boat out of the Water, and 
clapping it on his head, walk'd up the River to carry over to the 
Town others that waited for him. 

n. Four Leagues short of the Court we stop'd at a great Town 
which they cali the Queen's Palace. 1 The Mother or Grand- 
mother of the King then reigning, had built that sumptuous 
Palace, from which the Town took its ñame. We could not go in, 
but the Front and all we could see of it might vie with the best in 
Europe : Before it is a Square which is not inferior to any in Spain ; 
those of Barajas or Lerma are not better. We went into a most 
beautiful and spacious Court almost square ; in the midst of which 
was a stone Mosque well built, with a fine Porch before it. The 

1 The Tenara (Sarürnagar) referred to by Tavernier, i, 139-40, 240. J. de 
Thevenot also saw it {The Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ed. Surendranath 
Sen (New Delhi, 1949), 146) ; almost nothing remains of it now. 



Court is like a Cloister, arch'd all round except where the Gates 
interrupt it. At every six foot distance there are stone Arches, and 
in the hollow of the six foot there is a fine Cell within vaulted 
like the rest, and all white as Snow. I counted 118 Cells in all, 
well contriv'd, and curious and exact Windows and Doors. The 
Floor was of very hard Plaister; those Rooms were for the King's 
Followers, when they carne thither to divert themselves. The 
Square was in the same nature, but had a Story above, which the 
Court had not. 

12. In one Córner there was a Door which led to a large and 
deep Pond cut out of the said Rock, with Stairs cut in the same 
Stone to go down for Water ; all we Passengers drank that Water ; 
I don't doubt but what we saw cost many Millions. I would have 
seen the Mosque, but as I was going in a Moor carne out, who 
was ready to throw me down the Stairs ; so I dissembled and de- 
sisted from my Plan. Before I carne to this Town, and from thence 
to Court, I took notice of another thing of which the Portuguese 
had given me a hint, and was, that I saw several pareéis of Horses, 
Mules and Asses, loaded with the Tuba of the Palm-Trees I have 
mentioned, all running as fast as they could; and the Drivers, 
who strain'd their Hearts, took care with their Lashes that the 
Beasts should not stop a moment. This they do that the Liquor 
may arrive sweet and not turn sower ; abundance of it is consum'd 
at Court, especially the Mahometan Women drink much of it. 
The Drink is extremely pleasant, it would take more money at 
Madrid than Mead or Sherbet. Those People say the King's 
greatest Revenue comes out of it. 

13. To save time and charges we did not go through a great 
Cate of the Court ; all that come in through these Gates, wait for 
leave from some Great Men, all they carry is search'd and they pay 
duties. I was not concern'd for the search, tho something must be 
always given. We went almost two Leagues round-about, which 
was a great trouble; nevertheless we past three Custom-houses, 
but they said not a word to us. Being come to the fourth, they 
talk'd big to us and made threats but were satisfy'd with a few 
Pence. Half a League further we carne to the place where they sold 
Horses, there was a pleasant Grove, divided by four large and 



spacious Walks, in which were abundance of People, and very 
fine Horses, which they rodé about to show them. Then we past a 
River, and saw a multitude of People on the Bank ; we drew near, 
and it prov'd to be the Funeral of a young Woman, who lay bare- 
fac'd on the Bier, very well set out and adorn'd with Flowers; 
next to the Corps were Musicians and Dancers. There was one 
(perhaps the Husband) whose Body was dy'd of several Colours, 
and he skip'd and made a thousand motions. Other Antient 
Peoples used to weep when a Child was born, and rejoice at its 
death ; and those we saw here were doing this last. Finally we 
carne to a little Church, where one, Martínez, a Portuguese 
Priest 1 resided; he receiv'd me with all possible kindness, and 
great tokens of affection. There I rested a little, but not so much as 
I had need. 

1 One of the Portuguese secular priests who conducted the two Catholic churches 
in Golconda ; see fuller details in Carré, 350. 




i. I was inform'd there was in those parts one Don Félix 
Enriquez, a Native of Madrid, whom I had been acquainted 
with in the Apothecaries Shop in St Pauls Monastery in Valla- 
dolid, tho I could not cali to mind his Ñame. He was Physician 
and Surgeon to the King's Army there. I presently sent him a 
Note, his Answer was very civil and next day I went to his House. 
It is a long League from the City to the Forts, where the King is 
always cióse for fear of his Subjects, as I was told. 1 The Road, 
besides its being very plain and broad, was so full of People, that 
there were scarce more in the Cities of China, all of them ciad as 
white as Snow, most afoot, several in half Coaches, half Carts, 
drawn by Oxen, and well cover'd, and many on Mules; some 
Persians and Moors excellently mounted, and well attended. 
Some Great Men were carry'd in rich and sightly Palanquines ; 
instead of Umbrelloes they use large Shields gilt and painted of 
several Colours, the Servants carry them on their Arms, and lifting 
them up defend their Masters from the Sun. They carry Plumes of 
Peacocks Feathers with the Quills stuck in Silver, which they 
serve to drive the Flys away, they are properly Fans. All the 
European Captains and Factors in those Countrys make the 
same use of those Feathers. It all look'd to me like Court- 
grandeur. There were about that place abundance of great and 
lesser Elephants, I was much diverted with the sight of them, and 

1 'Abdullah Qutb Shlh (1626-72) was almost an imbecile who spent his time 
devising ingenious ways of gratifying his sensual tastes ; after 1656, when an attempt 
was made to assassinate him, he was afraid to leave his palace (The Cambridge History 
oj India, rv (Cambridge, 1937), 253). 



admir'd their motion ; I rodé upon a good Horse, and had much 
ado to keep up with their walk. 

2. I took notice that there was abundance of People on the one 
side of the way, and that more continually flock'd to them. I ask'd 
the Black that went with me, what it meant? He answer'd, 
'Father, the Saints of this Country are there.' I drew near, and 
saw they were Men quite naked, as if they had liv'd in the state of 
Innocence ; perhaps they were Adamites. Their Habitations were 
on certain Mountains, whence those Men carne down at certain 
times to beg Alms, and walk'd among the People stark naked, 
like brute Beasts. When I return'd to the Church I saw them 
again, and Women looking at them very devoutly. Presently I 
discover'd sumptuous Palaces and beautiful Towers and Pin- 
nacles all cover'd with Lead. The Palace of Segovia is not more 
beautiful, I admir'd nothing so much in that Country and me- 
thought I was looking upon Madrid. I carne up to the great Fort 
where the King's Apartment is ; I went not in, but it had a fine 
outside, and look'd great, the Walls were strong and stor'd with 
Cannon, the Situation high, the Ditches wide and deep. They 
told me the King had 900 Concubines within there, and among 
them the Portuguese Woman of St Thomas I mention'd above. 1 
Next I met some Portugueses who were awaiting me; many of 
them serve in that King's Army for Bread. They carry'd me to 
Don Felix's House, which was very little, low and inconvenient, 
like the rest of the Commonalty. He receiv'd me very lovingly 
and truly, I knew him again, tho I had not seen him in twenty 
four Years, he had a good mark to be known by. He gave me an 
account of his Life; he had been Physician to the Dutch in Cey- 
lon and marry'd there ; left his Wife at Columbo, and went over 
to Madrastapatan ; was there Physician to the English, and then 
went to Golconda, where he receiv'd the King's mucharra, that is, 
Pay, amounting to twenty Pieces of Eight a Month, besides what 
he made of his Salves. Hard by was a mighty Army commanded 
by 'the Great Nababo, (that is as much as the Great Duke of that 

1 900 concubines is not an exaggerated number ; some years earlier an English 
account attributed 4 wives and 'at least 1000 concubines' to a king of Golconda 
(W. H. Moreland (ed.), Relationsof Golconda (London, 193 1). 10). 



Kingdom) he was an Eunuch and Man of great Parts, he 
govern'd all; the King kept in his Mahomet's Paradise among 
Women, Musick, Dancing and other Sports, all unbecoming the 
duty of a King. 1 It is a shameful thing, says St Thomas (de 
Eruáit. Priuc. lib. I, cap. 10), that he who is Lord over others, 
should be a slave to his Senses. And talking of Musick, he tells 
how Antigonus, Master or Preceptor to Alexander the Great, 
broke his Lute, and said, 'He that is of age to reign, may be 
asham'd to be subject to these Passions.' The Saint has much that 
is very good to this purpose. The King of Golconda lives in 
worldly pleasures and pastimes, without the least regard to the 
Government, having committed the whole charge of it to the 
Great Nababo. What can this King expect but what Job says, 
'They take the Timbrel and Harp, and rejoyce at the sound of the 
Organ: They spend their days in wealth, and in a moment go 
down to Hell'? The moment that puts an end to their Pleasures, 
begins their eternal torments. What an unhappy and wretched 
case: The same will befall all that follow such a course. There 
cannot be a double glory, that of the Life to come is not the con- 
sequence of the worldly. The words of Tertullian are common: 
'After gall, the honey-comb.' What can be the consequences of 
Dancing, Musick, Plays, Feasting, and the pleasures of this Life, 
but the neglect of one's duty, forgetfulness of ones soul ; and in the 
future, calamities? The Chínese is much more vigilant and careful 
of the Government, and if he forgets himself, they mind and 
reprove him. Two Years before this, one of the Nababo's Teeth 
dropt out, he sent it with 6000 Ducats to Mecca an Offering to 
Mahomet's Bones. At this time another dropt out, and it was 
reported he would send it with 6000 more. He order'd a Temple 
to be built, which I saw, but it was not yet finish'd, because they 
said he had dream'd he should die when the Building was 
ñnish'd, so he order'd the Work to cease. He was then ninety 
Years of age, pay'd the Souldiers punctually, and gave the 

1 Nababo is the Portuguese form of the Hindustani word Nawab ; the post was 
equivalent to that of Chief Minister, Viceroy, or Provincial Governor; the holder 
in Navarrete's time was Riza Kuli, who was given the office and title of Neknam 
Khan in 1663 ; he died in 1672. 

L 315 


Persians great Wages. In that Country there is abundance of very 
fine Silver, and they say abundance of rich Diamonds, I was 
assur'd the Mahometans gave above fífty thousand Ducats for 

3. I discours'd Don Félix about my Journey to Goa, he repre- 
sented it very easy ; others objected difficulties, and no doubt but 
there were enough, especially in going from one Kingdom to 
another. Next day I said Mass in a Chappel the Portuguese 
Souldiers and some Mungrels and Blacks had there. They gave me 
to understand it would please them I should stay there three 
Months, till it were time to go away to Goa, and they offer'd to 
assist me according to their power, which was small. I had cer- 
tainly stay'd there, had not what I shall write presently hapned, 
and I believe it had gone very ill with me. I went that Afternoon 
to see the Dutch Factor, for whom I had a Letter. 1 I went on 
Don Félix his Horse, which was better than mine. I again 
observ'd what I had seen before, and again was astonish'd at the 
multitude and diversity of People. I cross'd all the Capital City, 
which is very large, and in it at small distances excellent Buildings, 
and innumerable multitudes of People. The great Square was very 
beautiful ; the Royal Palace, an admirable Structure, filis one side 
of it. They show'd me a Glaz'd Balcony, and told me the King 
sometimes shew'd himself there to his Subjects. 2 It was a long 
time before I carne to the Dutch Factory. Those Men had a fine 
Palace there, and richly furnish'd. 3 The Factor was a Mungrel 
begot on a Japonese Woman, and show'd it in his carriage. We 
discours'd a while with a great deal of coldness on his side; the 
European Hollanders did not serve me so, and this appear'd 
presently, for within half an hour another Dutchman carne out of 
a Room who was infinitely obliging ; he gave me Cha of China 
to drink, and some of the Wine they made there, he courteously 
shew'd me the Orchards, Gardens, and a stately Bath. There I 
was inform'd of the great modesty and reserv'dness of the Women 

1 The Dutch Factor was Willem Karel Hartsink (1663-77); see Valentyn, v, 

2 For a description of this ceremony at which the King administered Justice see 
Tavernier, 1, 125. 

3 Further details in Carré, 348. 



of that Country, not much inferior to that of China, as they told 
me. A great shame for European Christian Women. 
4. When I took my leave he ask'd me, Whether I had visited the 
French that were in that City? 1 1 answer'd I had not, ñor thought 
of it because I knew none of them, ñor had any business with 
them. He earnestly desir'd me to visit them. I did all I could to 
excuse my self, but still he urg'd it. I, to avoid that visit not 
knowing that therein my Luck then consisted, said, 'Sir, I 
neither know their House ñor have I any Body to conduct me to 
it.' Til send a Servant of mine', said he, 'to wait upon the Father, 
and show him the House.' There was no withstanding it any 
longer, I went thither directly, they receiv'd me with singular 
kindness and affection; brought out fruit of Persia, Dates, 
Almonds, Raisons, and other things of the Country. They 
treated me well, I thank'd them, and bid them farewell but they 
would not suffer me to be gone so we held on our discourse. The 
Director spoke good Spanish for he had been several times at 
Cádiz, and indeed had carry'd millions of Pieces of Eight from 
thence into France, and told me how he dealt with our Ships and 
with the People ashore. It is a shame to see the way many of our 
Officers manage the King's business. He freely offer'd me passage 
in his Ship as far as Suratte [Surat], and thence into Europe, with 
all the accommodation his People could afford me. I went back 
to lie at the Church, and he sent me in his Palanquine with 
twenty four Servants to attend me. Perceiving how difficult a 
matter it was to go to Goa, and how that difficulty every day 
increas'd, because a Rebel whose ñame was Subagi [Shiváji] 
rang'd those Countrys with a powerful Army, I made those 
Gentlemen a second visit, and finding a fit opportunity accepted 
of the favour they offer'd me. 2 They assur'd me they had orders 
from their King to be assisting to the Missioners, and that they 
went to India for that purpose. There is no doubt but the end is 
very good and holy. 

1 For an account of the French faetones in India see Sottas and Kaeppelin. 

2 Many of the early travellers refer to Shiváji as a bandit ; in fact, he was the leader 
of the Hindú reacuon to Muslim rule in India and under him the Marathas rose. 
Already in 1664 he had assumed the title of Raja (for which, see Philips, 54) and 
was issuing coins in his own ñame. 



5. We left the Royal City on the 28th of July, there went twenty 
two Carts loaden with Goods and Necessaries for the Journey, 
six Officers of the Company a-Horseback, four stately Persian 
led Horses with rich Furniture each with its Groom. 1 One of the 
Horses dy'd by the way, that had cost 500 Pieces of Eight : we had 
four Colours, four Trumpets, four Waits, two Kettle-Drums, 
sixty Servants, and five Palanquines, with five or six Men to carry 
each of them ; it was a Train for a King. We cross'd a wide but 
shallow River, there were a great many Elephants washing in it. 
We observ'd with how much ease those Mountains of Flesh 
tumbled in the Water and lightly started up again. All the Carts 
were cover'd with Oil'd Cloths, so that not a drop of Rain-water 
carne through. The Palanquines had the same Covering. There 
is no such easy and restful way of Travelling in the World. We 
past through the middle of the Royal City with all that Noise, 
Attendance and Musick, and went to lie at a stately Orchard. 
Half a League of the way was among fine Trees, the rest of the way 
very plain and easy. We carne to a Noble Stone-palace, which had 
beautiful Halls, Rooms, and Balconies, and much Ornament in 
several curious Niches, with several Figures of Plaister and 
Stone. The Orchard was vastly big, full of abundance of Fruit- 
Trees and innumerable Oranges and Lemmons. The Walks were 
wide and very clean, with Ponds at distances, and Water-works 
continually playing ; it appear'd to me a place fit for any Prince. 
Two days we stay'd there, and spent the time in observing with 
attention, what I have writ with brevity. 

6. My Company carry'd good Provisions and Plenty, which 
made the way easy to me, and made amends for the want I en- 
dur'd in my Journey to the Royal City, whence we now carne. 
One Morning we carne to a place, where there was the Liquor of 
Palms. I spoke of it in the last Chapter; we drank to our hearts 
content, it was as cold as Ice, and sweeter than Honey ; it did us 
much good, for it purg'd us to excellent purpose. We past over a 
mighty River with some trouble, but on the further side found the 

1 Among these officers were Goujon and Francis Martin, the 'Founder of 
Pondichery', whose Mémotres frequently corrobórate Navarrete's narrative. Both 
were particularly kind to Navarrete. 



best Olaves in the World, for a Penny a Pound. It is incredible 
what quantities of delicate painted and plain Calicóes there were 
in every Town, they came out to the Roads to oflfer and press us 
to buy. 1 

7. In every Town we found Women that play'd on Musick and 
danced. There are certain Women there, who alone can follow 
this Trade, for which they pay a duty to the King. When any 
Guests of note come, they presently repair to their House, make 
their Obeisance, and immediately some begin to dance, and 
others to play. They were well dress'd, and had Gold and Silver 
enough about them, spent two, or three hours in this Exercise, 
were well paid, and went their ways. I was seldom present at these 
Entertainments, but indeed they were worth seeing and hearing. 

8. It was also very common to meet with many Tumblers that 
show'd Tricks of Activity; they have no settled place of abode, 
but ramble up and down like Gypsies. Sometimes we met them 
under the Trees in the Field, sometimes near Towns in the 
Wicker Barracks which they always carry about with them. As 
soon as they see any likely People, they make to them, and offer 
to show their Activity ; then they set up their Sticks and Canes, 
and play wonderful Tricks. Both the Men and Women would cer- 
tainly be much admir'd in Europe. Two Women, one oíd and 
the other young, did such things in a Town, as amaz'd us all. 
One Man besides many strange Tricks, took a Stone betwixt his 
Teeth ; his Companions threw others up, which he catch'd in his 
mouth without ever missing a jot ; afterwards he lay'd it upon one 
eye, and on it receiv'd the other that fell from above, and never 
miss'd in all the time. Another thing astonish'd us yet more, and 
we thought the Devil had a hand in it. 2 He ty'd a Stone, of about 
a quarter of an hundred weight to a stick, which had another 

1 'Painted' calicóes (sometimes called 'Paintings') were hand-printed cloths 
(EF, new series, II, 30, 99 ; Hobson'Jobson, 713). 

2 Others, too, suspected the Devil's influence: 'when he [an English Chaplain] 
saw that from a piece of dry wood these people in less than half an hour had caused 
a tree of four or fíve feet in height, with leaves and flowers, as in springtime, to 
appear, he insisted on breaking it, and proclaimed loudly that he would never 
administer the communion to any one who witnessed such things in future* 
(Tavernier, 1, 55). 



cross it; he alone, laying hold ofthe Stick with one hand, held up 
the Stone in the air, and kept it without the least motion ; then he 
put together eight or ten Men, and gave them the Stick to hold as 
he had done, and they could never bear it up tho they put all their 
strength to it, but the Stone bore them all down. We could never 
find out what art that Black us'd to do that which we saw with our 

9. There is another sort of Men, who make a trade of carrying 
about Snakes that dance; they are ridiculously dress'd, wear 
Feathers on their heads, and little Bells about their Body, all naked 
but their Privy-parts, and daub'd with Red Oaker and several 
other Colours. They carry a little Trumpet in their hand, and two 
Baskets cover'd on their shoulders full of hideous Snakes ; they go 
where they are call'd, open their Baskets, and as the Trumpet 
sounds the Snakes rise, using several motions with their Bodies 
and Heads ; sometimes they cling to their Master's Arm or Thigh, 
and set their Teeth in it. I saw one of them whose Body was all 
over as if it had been pink'd by the Snakes, he looked a Sieve. A 
strange way of getting their Living ! At first it was dreadful to me 
to see that Dancing. They give them a Half-penny or a penny, the 
Snakes return to their Baskets, and away they go. I observ'd 
several times, that as soon as they catch'd and laid them in the 
Basket, they roll'd themselves up, and remain'd immovable ; and 
tho they open'd the Basket, they never stirr'd without the Trumpet 
sounded. Some were thicker than a Man's Wrist, they said those 
that carry'd them were anointed with the Juice of several Herbs, 
so that even if they bit they could do no harm. There are others 
who have Dancing Cows, and get their Living by them. 

10. One Night we lay in an Idol-Temple, one ofthe beautifulest 
in the World; it had Jasper-stone and Marble, as curiously 
wrought as any in Italy, and three Chappels dedicated to three 
Gods. There were in it some Cows cut in Stone as black as Jet, 
and as lively as possible. The Priest carne to us, and we discours'd 
him with the help of some Servants ofthe French Company, who 
spoke several Languages. He gave a very bad account of the 
Origin of those three Gods, made them all Men, and said they 
carne thither upon the Waters ofthe Sea from very far Countrys, 



and had produc'd the World. We objecting how it could be made 
out that they had produced the World when there was before them 
a Sea, and other Countries from whence they carne thither? He 
answer'd, 'It was so written in their Books.' Speaking of the 
Parents of his Gods, he asserted they were of other Countrys; and 
we answering, 'Then there were Men before those Gods' ; he 
laugh'd and said, 'I say nothing but what is in this Book.' Two 
Leagues short of Musulapatan we found a great many French 
Men in a noble Orchard, expecting their Director and Com- 
panions. There was Musick, Dancing, and a plentiful Entertain- 
ment. That Afternoon we went into the City, it was the 8th of 
August, past over a Wooden-bridg, little less than half a League 
in length, a wonderful crowd of People carne out to see us, 
English, Dutch, Persians, Armenians, Portugueses, Mungrels, 
Mahometans, Gentiles, Blacks and Natives, were all Spectators. 
The Factory was a stately large House, the People many in 
number. There was a great confusión that Night, however we 
had some rest. 1 

1 Martin sets the date of arrival as the 7th ; and, unless the journey was inordinately 
slow, he is probably right. Normally it only took 8-10 days. Amongst those who 
met them at Masulipatam was Francis Dandron ('gran cauallero francés' : C 402) a 
gentleman from Dauphiné, infantry captain and tourist (Carré, 345 ; F. Martin, 
Mémoires de Franfois Martin, Fondateur de Pondicbéry [1665-96], ed. A. Martineau 
(Paris, 193 1-4). 1. M5-<5. 271). 




1. The City Musulapatan is famous all along the Coast of Coro- 
mandel, it is seated 6o Leagues North of Madrasta, a very popu- 
lous place, and of great Trade. The English and Dutch, and at 
present the French have considerable Factories there. Some Years 
ago besides these the Danés had one too. Some Portugueses, 
Mungrels and Blacks, who are Catholicks, live there, and have a 
little Church where there was a Father of the Order of St Augus- 
tin. Some English and Dutch, who have discharg'd themselves 
from their Companies, have setled there, and live with their 
Families. The Climate is very bad and unhealthy. They said, the 
Heat from April till August was intolerable. All that Country 
abounds in Wheat, Rice, Sheep, Hens, Geese, Fish, and Fruit, 
all at reasonable Rates. I stay'd with my Chínese in the French 
Factory, where I said Mass to them every Day, and din'd and 
sup't at their Table; they treated me in Health and in a small 
Sickness I had there with extraordinary Care, Love and Kind- 
nesses. Afterwards some French Men fell sick; and I assisted 
them with a great deal of Care and good Will. The Ship that 
was to sail for Suratte [the Couronne] lay 6 Leagues lower at 
Rosipor, it was to be sheath'd and they had not yet began to work 
upon it, which troubled me extremely, and I repented my leaving 
the Portuguese Ship, which I was inform'd was bound for Goa. 

2. There were in the Factory abundance of Monkeys, which 
serv'd to divert us ; sometimes they would be as furious as Lions, 
sometimes they play'd, and did a thousand Tricks. After Dinner, 
they commonly carry'd them to a large Pond in the middle of a 
great Court. It was pleasant to see what pranks they play'd there, 
they swam just like Men, and would leap into the Water, dive and 
come up again exactly like them. They had also a little Deer, 



which a Servant fed with Milk, he once amaz'd us all. The 
Servant carne into the Court, the Deer saw, and immediately 
went to him; it was beyond all belief how he made much of and 
caress'd him ; he would leap up on both Sides, lick his Hands and 
Feet, and put his Nose to the Mans Face, all Tokens of Gratitude 
for the kindness he receiv'd from him. Good God, how wild and 
even savage Beasts teach us Gratitude! Frier Mascarenhas, the 
Augustinian, kept the Feast of the Nativity of our Lady [8 
September] and the Octave, and it was perform'd with all 
imaginable Solemnity; all the Catholicks resorted to it, and I 
gave a Sermón. About that time there arriv'd Ships loaded with 
Elephants. One Mahometan Merchant alone brought 30 in one 
Ship, which is a mighty Stock; they carry them up the Country, 
where they sell them at great Rates and get much by them. 
3. There were two Directors in the Factory ; one whose ñame was 
Macara, an Armenian, had been at Rome, Florence and Paris. 
This Man procur'd the setling the Factory at Golconda, under 
the same Privileges the Dutch and English enjoy'd; He was a 
Catholick, and had a Son and Nephew both Catholicks. The 
other was a French Man of the Territory of Roan [Rouen], his 
ñame Francis Gouxon [Goujon] ; he had Orders from the 
Director General residing at Suratte, to apprehend Macara, on 
account of Expences he had made. The latter being a Stranger, 
and those who had been his Friends become his Enemies, because 
he knew not how to preserve their Friendship, every Body was 
against him, which he was sensible of, and therefore was jealous, 
and fearful of what happen'd. He might have prevented it by 
staying at Golconda among his Countrymen and Mahometans 
of Note, who had a kindness for him. I told him so afterwards, he 
was sensible of his Error, and all his repentance could not mend 
it. In short, upon St Matthew's Day [21 September] after bap- 
tizing a Godson of his with great Solemnity, they seiz'd him with 
a great deal of Noise, and seiz'd his Son. Macara's Servants fled, 
and gave an account of what had happened to the Moorish 
Governor of the City [Muhammad Beg]. The French immedi- 
ately sent Advice to the Captain of their Ship [Couronne] to be 
upon his Guard, and it stood them in good stead, for without it 


the Ship had fallen into the Governour's Hands. Next Day the 
latter sent 300 Men commanded by the Supreme Civil Magistrate 
to beset the Factory, hinder any Provisions from being carry'd in, 
and by that oblige them to set Macara at Liberty. The French 
took up Arms, which was a rashness in a strange Country, where 
they had no Forcé, ñor so much as a Ship in the Harbour. They 
fell to Blows ; a handsom young French Man, and good Christian, 
was kill'd, and another much wounded. 1 Of the infidels four or 
five were slain and several wounded; this made a great uproar. 
The Governour seeing the fury and resolution of the French, 
caus'd his Men to draw oíf, and sent to acquaint his King 
[' Abdullah Qutb Sháh] with what had hapned ; the French sent 
too. Whilst the Answer carne back, they arm'd themselves very 
well, and provided Fire Arms, which some English and other 
Friends lent them underhand. The Moorish Governour was now 
all for composing the matter, and would have had them send me 
or some Persons of Note to his House to treat with him. The 
French were afraid to trust him. As for me, they answer'd I was a 
Spaniard, and no way concern'd ñor understood that Aífair. It 
was fear'd they might attack us in the Night, and fire the House. 
I was not a little concern'd for it, but much more to see my 
Voyage, which I was so eager upon, obstructed. 
4. The French Factory Director [Goujon] was indispos'd, those 
Troubles made him worse, so that in eight Days he dy'd on 
Michaelmas Day [29 September] having receiv'd the Sacrament. 2 
I lost more than any Man, because he had a particular kindness for 
me. I was also much oblig'd to him that succeeded in the Post 
[Martin]. His Funeral was great; First went two Horses in 
Mourning, then the Kettledrums and Trumpets making a doleful 
Sound, above 100 Servants, Portugueses with Lights in their 
Hands; I accompanied the Corps along with only one French 

1 The dead man was a clerk called Fromentin ; the other, Martin, 'was shott in 
the brest with a barbed arrow but we suppose not mortall' (EF, new series, II, 203). 
Martin (1, 275) estimates the number of the enemy at 150. 

2 Martin (1, 272 ; 274) says he was sick of a tertian fever ; gives the death-date as 
28th (1, 280) ; and describes the funeral (1, 281). The English Factors reponed his 
death as i8th (EF, new series, n, 203) since they were still following the 'oíd style', 
or Julián, calendar. 



Man, for the rest stay'd to secure the House and themselves; the 
Dutch and English attended the Funeral. The Body was left in 
the Church till eight at Night. The Tide flow'd, and we went 
over in Boats to an Island, which is the Catholick Burying place. 
Those People will not allow any to be buried in Towns. 
5. The Kings Answer carne [8 October] he order'd no words 
should be made about those that had been kill'd on both sides, 
and that the French if they pleas'd might carry away Macara, but 
should pay what he ow'd, which amounted to 2000 Ducats 
Silver. Several odd things hapned during that time, which I 
would write if I had more patience. The Country is singular, and 
there being such diversity of Nations, there falls out some things 
new every Day, today among the Persians, tomorrow among the 
Armenians, another day among the Moors, &C. 1 That City 
resembles Babel in the variety of Tongues, and differences of Garbs 
and Customs, but I lik'd the natives who were all good Men it 
seemed to me. I sometimes went to the Church, which was a 
considerable distance from the Factory, met several sorts of People 
by the way, and they were all courteous and civil. I talk'd with 
some English and Dutch, visited them because it was necessary, 
and found them very obliging in Words, and some no less in their 
Works. Two carne to take their leave, the Night we went aboard ; 
one of them took me aside, we talk'd a long while, he offer'd me 
all his Interest at Suratte; when we were parting, he said to me 
with much Humility and Submission, 'Father, I know I am a 
Heretick ; but I beg the Favour of your Blessing.' I was surpriz'd 
and answer'd, 'Sir, if you are Heretick and design to continué so, 
why would you have my Blessing?' He reply'd, 'That's true, 
Father ; but for all that I beg you will grant me this Satisfaction.' 
He press'd very earnestly, I gave him my Blessing, spoke a few 
little words to him, which he requited by embracing me, and 
went his way. I heard them censure some Churchmen. We ought 
all of us to be very cautious of our carriage among such People, for 
they note and censure every Action. They told me two passages, 
one of them but very trivial, at which they were very much 

1 European travellers usually described Asían Christians, including Greeks and 
Syrians, as 'Armenians' ; Europeans themselves were called 'Franks' by Orientáis. 



scandaliz'd ; but they do not reflect upon their own heinous 
Faults they commit every Day ; yet this is no excuse for us, who 
ought so to order our Lives that they, seeing our Actions, might 
glorify God the Author and Cause of all Good. 
6. It pleas'd God our Ship carne [the Couronne, 15 October] ; in 
two Days all was ship'd aboard tho' I had thought it would have 
taken up eight at least ; the Weather was calm, which help'd to 
expedite our Business. On the I7th of October, at eleven at 
Night, we went aboard ; I had a Hand in getting three Portugueses 
in. The Night was so dark, we had much ado to find the Ship. 
That very Night we sail'd, all of us well pleas'd to leave that un- 
healthy Country, and draw near to Europe. 1 From that place 
according to the course we took, it is above 6000 Leagues. Being 
upon a fresh Voyage, it is requisite to begin a new Chapter. 

1 Martin, however, gives the time of departure as dawn on the 20th (1, 283, 287, 




1. In the way from Golconda, I heard several disputes concerning 
matters of our Religión between French Men, I took them to be 
all Catholicks; I never heard disputes on this subject among 
Spaniards or Portugueses. Several Reports went concerning 
Macara ; some maintain'd he was half a Mahometan, others that 
they did not know what Religión he was of. 1 He always own'd 
himself a Catholick to me, and so heard Mass, and said the 
Rosary, but upon several occasions he said to me, 'Father, whilst 
I took care to serve God, and perform'd the Duty of a Christian, 
God assisted me, and I throve, but declin'd when I fell off ; it is 
some time since I neglected all things that belong to a Christian, 
and therefore I believe God has punish'd me, and I am now in 
Irons.' Henee I took occasion to comfort and exhort him to 
patience in his Sufferings. They treated him too cruelly, not 
allowing him the means of defending himself. They examin'd and 
laid things to his Charge, and extract'd a Confession of him with 
four Pistols at his Breast ; he answer'd, not the Truth, but what they 
would have him say, as he own'd to me. The General Director 
[Carón] was his mortal Enemy, his Judg — and a great Heretick. 

2. There was a Youth in the Factory, whose ñame was Portal, all 
the rest look'd upon him as proud and haughty, and I had 
grounds to believe him so. He contracted Friendship with me, and 

1 For a French view of Macara see Martin (i, 262 ff., 272 ff.), who declared (1, 
288) that, by a false show of piety, 's'attira la compassion de plusieurs personnes pieuses', 
and, typically, the Armenian quickly found his way to Ñavarrete's heart (C 35). 
English reports, like the French, give no good account of Macara: 'a fellow as it 
doth appear of more subtlety than honesty' who had 'played his Game soe sophister 
like' (Report in IOL, Original Correspondence, 5 Mas. 41). For the end of the 
aflfair see Martin, 1, 288-91. See also P. Kaeppelin, Les Origines de l'Inde jran¡aise 
(París, 1908), 48-9. 



told me many things I was no way concern'd with. He was a good 
Grammarian, lov'd reading, had some Books, and among them 
Macchiavel and Bodin, which he study'd more than the rest. 1 He 
was for reducing all Religión to Policy, as the Chineses, and these 
two Authors do. I often told him my mind friendly, (and some- 
times hastily and in anger) for I thought him ill grounded in 
matters of Faith. At Suratte he went aboard a Ship that had no 
Chaplain, and dy'd by the way to Madagascar, where the Ship 
took Harbour, as ours did. I was much troubl'd at it, but some- 
thing comforted, because they told me he had prepar'd himself for 

3. I often heard it said at Musulapatan, that the French own'd no 
Superior but their King and God. (It had been better to put God 
first, then mention the King.) But they were put out of countenance 
and stopp'd short by my arguments. I said to them, 'Then, 
Gentlemen, you are Schismaticks for you don't recognise the 
Pope, Head of the Church, Vicar of Christ, Successor of St 
Peter.' They couldn't escape my Charge, and knew not how to 
distinguish between spiritual and civil, but answer'd they did in 
'some things, but not like you Spaniards, who tremble before the 
Pope and his Censures'. 'A great Honour for my Nation, Gentle- 
men,' says I, 'and Proof of how Catholic and loyal Sons of the 
Church are we.' 

4. Some Divines at Paris in May 1614 sign'd the following Pro- 
positions. 1. That the King of France holds his Dominions of 
God and the Sword only. 2. That the King in his Dominions 
owns no Superior but God. 3. That the Pope cannot interdict the 
King, ñor absolve his Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance. 
4. That the Pope has no Authority Direct or Indirect, Medíate 
or Immediate, Coactive or Coercive over the King, upon any 
account whatsoever. The document, in a fair Hand, I saw in an 
important Archive in Rome. 

1 Even Religious with the widest privileges (e.g. power to absolve sins reserved to 
the Pope, permission to wear lay-dress, and to read prohibited books) were for- 
bidden 'Macchiavel' (Friar Michael Angelo of Gattina, 'A Voyage to the Congo, 
1666-7', m Churchill, Collection, 1 (London, 1704), 613). All the more serious, 
therefore, the later Jesuit accusation that Navarrete's Tratados contained 'more Aids 
to Atheism than all those in Bodin and Macchiavel' (Cortés Osorio, 36). 



5. One Molfese (the French always use Sirnames only) said in my 
hearing, that God was cruel in making the Pains of Hell ever- 
lasting ; and why should he condemn to them for Sins of the 
Flesh, which were natural to Man? 1 And that since Man in 
comparison with God was less than an Ant, why should he be 
offended at them? And tho they offended, why should he damn 
them eternally? I was much provok'd, and told him my mind, but 
less than he deserv'd. He said he was a Catholick, and his Father 
a Heretick, but his words prov'd him a Liar, as to what he said of 
himself. Many of them learn Grammar, and then thrust them- 
selves into higher Sciences. The Quality of a Grammarian, says 
Spondanus, is Pride, that sets them against God himself, which is 
the Property of that horrid Vice. There was an antient Error, that 
God did not punish Sensuality, and this Molfese follow'd it. St 
Paul, Heb. 13, condemns it, 'Whoremongers and Adulterers 
God will judg.' Read St Thomas on this place, lect. 1. For the 
rest this Frenchman would revive Origen's Error, who said, the 
Pains of Hell will have an end ; which Christ condemns, saying 
'They shall go into everlasting Fire.' Even the Hereticks of these 
times do not maintain the extravagancies that Man did. 

6. It is fit to say something of the Great Mogol. He that now 
reigns put his Father in Prison, where he dy'd and he usurp'd 
the Crown. 2 This Man has a Son who govems a Province eight 
Days Journey from Golconda, towards Bengala [Bengal], which 
properly belongs to the Prince, who designs to follow the 
example his Father set him, and get all into his own Hands. 3 
Antony Coello a Portuguese, who had serv'd under him, told me 
he had already 200000 Horse and 300000 Foot. 4 A brave Army, 

1 Malfosse : the French Factor at Masulipatam. 

2 Aurangzlb imprisoned his father, Shah Jahán, in Agrá fort where he died in 
1666. Aurangzlb had succeeded him with the imperial ütle of Alamgír in 1658. 

3 Muhammad Mu'azzam, Aurangzlb's second son, was the Viceroy of the 
Deccan with the title of Shah Alam. In 1687 his father, suspecting him of 
treachery, had him imprisoned. Other writers (e.g. Manucci) hold that the Prince's 
rebellion was feigned in order to trap Shivájl but there was widespread belief in his 
having rebelled against his father. The Prince later succeeded his father with the 
title of Bahádur Shah (1707-12). 

4 Possibly the Manoel Coelho, 'one of those Portuguese who know neither God 
ñor eternity', menuoned by Manucci (1, 370; n, 87-8; iv, 429). The Jesuit critic, 



if they are as brave as they are many. He designs to join in League 
with the Rebel Subagi, who is very great and powerful. I 
mention'd in another place how he attack'd the Territory of Goa, 
and carry'd away two or 3000 Christians and a Franciscan. He 
sent an Ambassador to demand of the Viceroy of Goa, to make 
good a Ship ofhis the Portuguese had taken. The Viceroy was in 
a passion, and beat his Ambassador, an Action no Body could 
approve of. Don Duarte, the English Governour of Madrasta- 
patán, told me that Infidel would make War upon Goa by Sea 
and Land, and make Slaves of all the Portuguese Men and 
Women he could light of. 1 Subagi may do it, and the Mogol 
better, but he will not take such small things in hand, and it is the 
King of Golconda who is more to be fear'd, because Coromandel 
and all those Coasts are subject to him. This being a considerable 
point, I sent an account of it by several ways to Goa and Madrasta. 2 
7. I heard much of the Kingdom of Bengala as to its Fruitfulness 
and Plenty of Corn, Rice, Sheep, Cows, Fruit, Silk, and Cotton. 
This Country, as I said, belongs to the great Mogol's eldest Son. 
There are in it Fathers of the Order of St Augustin, who ad- 
minister to the Portuguese, and Mungrels. Some of these latter are 
of Note, and wear the Badge of the Order of Knighthood of 
Christ, but are basely us'd by the Natives, for the least matter they 
drive them to Prison with a Cudgel. There are also Indians of 

Cortés Osorio (99), perhaps generalizing from reports of Southern India, asserted 
'horses are not bred in India' ; in fact, Navarrete's figures are credible, for as early as 
1647 the imperial army had included 200,000 horse {Cambridge, 316; W. H. 
Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: an economic study (London, 1920), 75-7, 95, 
197. 259)- 

1 'Don Duarte' was Sir Edward Winter, who, after charges of profiteering had 
been brought against him, rebelled in 1665 against the East India Company, im- 
prisoned its Agent, George Foxcroft, and having usurped the government to him- 
self, waged a private war on the Company for some years. When Navarrete met 
him, however, he was living quietly on his estates, the Agent having been restored 
to office in 1668 by the aid of a Royal Commission and an armed fleet (DNB; EF, 
1668-9, 126-64; J- T. Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time (Madras, 1861-2), 1, 

2 There was little to be feared from ' Abdullah Qutb Sháh, as his attitude over the 
Macara affair had demonstrated. His successor, too, Abdul Hasan Qutb Sháh, was 
equally indolent and followed the traditional foreign policy of avoiding all trouble, 
especially with either the Mogul or Shiváji (Cambridge, 253). 



Manila in that Country, I saw one at Musulapatan : later on I 
said at Lisbon, there was no need of carrying People to India 
because there were Infinite numbers dispers'd through those 
Countries, but the Secretary of State answer'd me, 'Will it be 
easy to bring those together that are scatter'd abroad?' I reply'd, 
It would not, for they all fled from Goa, where they wanted 
Bread ; but if he would allow them a sufficient maintenance, they 
would rather serve their own King, than Infidels and Hereticks, 
as they did out of want. 

8. The Mogul is a mighty Prince, his Dominions are vastly large, 
his People numberless, his Wealth inexhaustible. A Portuguese, 
who had serv'd in his Army at Agrá, which is the Seat of the 
Court, assur'd me, he had 300,000 Horse there besides other vast 
Numbers. Some Years since on the same day he declar'd War 
against the Turks, Persians and Portugueses. What more could 
Alexander the Great have done? He has many tributary Kings 
under him ; and it is not long ago that the King of Golcondar 
having conquer'd the Empire of Narsinga, which had been 
famous in those parts, the Mogol took it from him, and it still 
continúes under his Dominion. 1 The Mogol's Dominions extend 
above 300 Leaguesin length. 

9. I was told that at Ispahan, the Persian Court, there were 
Missioners of the Order of St Augustin, Carmelites, Jesuits, and 
Capuchins. They do no good upon the Natives, but serve the 
Armenians that are there, who are made very small account of. 
The Emperor sometimes goes out to seek his Pleasure, 2 but first 
orders the Armenians to repair to such or such a place; the 
Women stay at Home, and the Emperor goes to sport and divert 
himself with them. They that are grounded in the Love of God, 
have a good opportunity of obtaining the Crown of Martyrdom. 

1 A reference to the Hindú kingdom of Vijayanagar, conquered by the Muslims 

2 The Churchills' translator mistook the Span. 'sale a pecorea to refer to a place, 
and wrongly translated : 'The Emperor goes out to Pecorea.' The word pecorea is not 
in either Minsheu or Stevens. The Emperor was Sháh-Sulaimán I (1667-94), who 
was addicted to the pleasures of the harem and the table. The Safawí dynasty ruled 
for over two centuries (1502-1736) and, by a corruption of their ñame, the Sháhs 
of Persia thus carne to be known in Europe as 'the Sophy'. 

M 331 


A Capuchin Father is in great esteem at that Court, on account 
of the Mathematicks. 1 Let him have a care he comes not off as 
Father Adam did in China! 

10. In the Year 1673, when I was at Rome, there carne thither 
two Armenian Religious of my Order, who brought Letters from 
the Sophi of Persia and his Secretary, for his Holiness, in answer 
to those our Armenian Archbishop carry'd four Years before. 2 
His Holiness writ to him again, thank'd him for his kind usage 
of Christians, and exhorted him to continué it. I read the Letter 
Cardinal Altieri writ to the Secretary upon the same Subject, it 
was in easy and elegant Latin, so fínely pen'd and fairly reason'd 
the best Scholar would admire it. 3 The Sophi now reigning is 
almost always drunk ; tho I was told by the French he had caus'd 
abundance of Vineyards and House-Vines to be destroy'd. But 
others say it was his Father who did this. 

11. Let us now return to our Voyage. The fourth Day a furious 
Gust of Wind started up about Evening, but lasted a very short 
space ; for had it held us three or four Hours, there had been an 
end of our Voyage. Being come to Suratte we understood by 
Letters brought over Land, that four Ships, which were at 
Anchor at Musulapatan, were cast away, and all lost that were in 
them. The same fate had certainly attended us, had we been near 

1 The celebrated friar Raphael du Mans (1613-96), author of Estat de la Perse en 
1660, a learned mathematician, and superior of the Capuchins at Isfahan, spent half 
a century in Persia. He was praised by a number of travellers, including Manucci 
and Thevenot ; Fryer found him 'not only Holy but Discreet and Learned ... no 
Intruder on Mens Principies, when about to depart this Life, as most [priests] are' 
(11, 246-7). See also H. G. Chick, A Cbronicle of the Carmelites in Persia (London, 
1939), 398,407. 

2 The Archbishop of Nakhchiwan, Matthew Hovannes, OP, (1668-74); f° r 
the Latin text ofthe Bnef of 1668 to the Sháh, see Chick, 1302 (and a reference at 
412). The reply of 1673 referred to by Navarrete is not mentioned by Chick, who 
lists no briefs to the Sháh between 1672 and 1683. For the background to this, see 
J. Chardin, Traveh in Persia, ed. N. M. Penzer (London, 1927), 67-9, and 
Chick, 406-7 ; for the curious history of the Armenian Dominicans, see Chick, 

3 The Cardinal-nephew, Paluzzo Altieri, Cardinal-Protector of the Dominicans, 
had taken control of affairs during the last years of Clement X's reign ; the Romans 
said that Clement was 'Papa di nome, e il cardinal Paluzzo Altieri Papa di fatto' 
(Pastor, xxxi, 443 ; G. de Novaes, Elementi della storia de' sommi Pontefci (Siena, 
1802-15), x, 269). 



that Coast. Every Year infallibly about that time, eight Days 
sooner or later, there is a terrible Storm upon that Coast, they cali 
it Bara. 1 The Wind was spent when it carne to us, and weakened 
by the Rain, which was our good Fortune. The eighth Day we 
discover'd the Island Ceylon, and for fear of the North East 
Winds which reign about that time, stood out to Sea a Day and a 
Night, and got carried out so far, that we were afterwards 1 1 Days 
before we could come in sight of the Land again, tho it was in 
another place. We pass'd Cape Gallo, which is in six Degrees of 
North Latitude ; and there to the common Sorrow of us all the 
Wine ran out on us ; and the wind, too, died so that we lay for five 
Days without advancing a Foot, and there we met the Ship of 
Macao bound for Goa, we hal'd one another with a great deal of 
Satisfaction. Before we could make Cape Comorin, we had 
furious North Winds, terrible Currents, and after all dead Calms. 
They made the Cape, the Water run against us like an Arrow out 
of a Bow. I having seen so much of the Sea, took upon me to play 
the Pilot, and contended to have us get in under the Shore. I 
argu'd, 'Who would run upon an Enemies Sword?' and that the 
best way was to avoid and come in with him ; that there we lay 
opposite to that Point which did us all the mischief; that we 
should remove from it, and await a Wind, for since it must come 
from Shore, we should be so much the more to Windward. This 
was accordingly done; one Night a furious North East Wind 
blew, we were but a League and a half from the Cape, and yet so 
rapid is the Current we were more than five Hours in weathering 
it. On the 226. of November, by break of Day we had the Cape 
astern. The Portuguese Ship, stood so far to Sea, that we lost sight 
of her, and she was two Days longer a-getting clear of the Cape. 
The North-East Wind abated, and within two Hours we had a 
fresh Gale at East. A little Boat of Blacks carne a head of us ; our 
Men looking at it off the Poop, perceiv'd our Ship was running 
directly on a Rock that lay under Water ; they were all surpriz'd, 
and the Wind freshned as if some Evil Spirit had sent it to destroy 
us all ; they stood in to Shore, and in a Moment I saw the Rock 

1 Vara is the Portuguese ñame for the autumn monsoon winds (Dalgado, II, 



was a Stones-throw from the Ship. The Blacks were astonish'd, 
as if they had concluded we were either Blind or Mad. It seem'd 
as tho' God and St Cecilia had sent those Blacks to attract our 
attention, for had they not come we had ended our Days there. 1 
Now that Rock is mark'd down in the Chart, but our Men were 
so joyful they had weather'd the Point, that no body took any 
Care or thought of it. It was very strange that as soon as ever the 
danger was over, the Wind ceas'd and the Sails flagg'd. 
12. That afternoon a little Boat carne aboard with a Dutch Man, 
who brought Fruit, and Stuffs, and told us abundance of News, 
but all prov'd false. That they cali the Coast of Malabar is very 
pleasant and delightful, we wanted not for Fruit, Fowls, and other 
refreshment whilst we run along it; it lies North and South. 
Every Night we cast Anchor awaiting the Wind from Land, 
which makes it toilsom sailing along that Coast. On the 27th of 
the Month we lost our Anchor, the 28th at Dawn we appear'd 
before Coulan [Quilon] with a good Gale and the Dutch fir'd 
two Guns at us. On St Andrews Day we sail'd before Cochin 
and Calicut, where we were inform'd that the King of the 
Country was engag'd in a Bloody War with the Dutch. In the 
Night we got up to Cananor [Cannanore]. Here I might write 
some things memorable enough. Those who were acquainted 
with that Coast said, that when some Persons marry'd, the 
Husband carry'd his Wife before he had to do with her himself, 
to the King, who kept her eight Days in his Palace, making use 
of her at his pleasure ; and that time being expir'd, the Man carne 
for his Wife, taking it as a great Honour and Favour that his King 
would make use of her. In other places they carry them to the 
Temples of the Idolatrous Priests, and left them there the same 
number of Days to the same purpose; this sanctifys them, and the 
Husbands carry them home well pleas'd. Those Priests seem to 
act like the Sons of Eli, who 'lay with the Women that assembled 
at the Door of the Tabernacle' ; but the difference was, that in 
India the Women and their Husbands are consenting, and look 
upon it as no Sin. 

1 It was 22 November ; henee the reference to St Cecilia, whose feast falls upon 
that day. 


I670] COA 

13. When the Husband dies, the Wife must die too, but after 
several manners ; The fírst is, the dead Body is burnt, and if he 
was a Noble Man, the Woman is seated in his Lap, and then they 
lay the Wood about, set Fire to it, and they are both burnt, the 
one dead, the other alive. The zd manner is, the Women clasp 
their Arms about their dead Husband, and are burnt with him. 
The 3d manner is, when the Body is burning in a Pit, the Wife 
walks round weeping, attended by her Kindred and Friends ; in 
the height of it one of the next Kindred thrusts her into the Pit, 
then they heap wood upon her, hollow and shout, and there the 
Wretch perishes. It is look'd upon as a great infamy not to do so. 
Not many Years since, as they were carrying a Woman at 
Rogiapur [Rajapur] near Goa to be burnt with her Husband, it 
hapned that some Portugueses who carne to that part seeing the 
Train, had the Curiosity to draw near ; the Woman seeing them 
left her People, and running embraced one of them, begging they 
would protect her. They did it very handsomly, defended them- 
selves against the Infidels, and carry'd her ofF. She went to Goa, 
was instructed, baptiz'd, and marry'd to him she had fled to. She 
was living in the Year 1670, when I was at Goa. A most for- 
túnate Woman I 1 

14. During these Days we had some disputes aboard, and even 
the Pilot tried to play the Divine, asking why there were several 
Religious Orders in the Church? 2 What need the Pope had of 
Mony, since the Kings of Spain and France would support him? 
(A fine help this latter would give!) Why the Jews were not 
tolerated in Spain? Why God did not work Miracles? I answer'd 
sufficiently to every point, and left them muttering ; but they had 
not a word to say, when I ask'd them, Why there were several 
Military Orders, and why several Heresies were tolerated in France? 

15. On the I4th of December, we come to an Anchor two 
Leagues from Goa opposite to the Bar, because we wanted Water. 
It was very lucky for me and the Portugueses. We went to the 

1 On the Hindú rite of suttee or satl (widow-burning), see Hobson-Jobson, 
878-83 ; Manucci and an Armenian rescued one woman, who later married the 
Armenian and lived in Surat (11, 97). Tavernier (1, I76n.) gives other instances; 
see also C. Dellon, A Voyage to the East Indies (London, 1698), 47-51. 

2 The Pilot was Dutch (C 602). 



Fort they cali Aguada, which is very fine, and had the best 
Brass Cannon in it I had ever seen. There was one piece carry'd 
a Bullet of 96 pounds, the French were amaz'd. 1 We spoke with 
the Commander, and taking our leave went up the River, which 
is one of the fínest in the World, both the Banks being cover'd 
with Towns, Sightly Temples, and Lofty Palm-Trees. I stay'd in 
the [Dominican] College of St Thomas, which is a quarter of a 
League from the City. A most delightful Seat as can be imagin'd, 
built upon the edg of the Water. Afternoon I went up to the 
Monastery of our Father Saint Dominick, it may vie with the 
largest and Best in Europe. 2 The French said there was not the 
like in all France (tho' tis likely they had seen but little there) ; 
and they say they do not practise Divine Worship as much as do 
we Spaniards ; of this there's no doubt at all. Afterwards we saw 
Vestments, Chalices, a rich bier to carry the Image of our Lady, 
with other Church stuíf, which was very surprising. But what I 
most admir'd was an Ivory Crucifix all of one piece except the 
Arms, the rarest thing that can be imagin'd, not so much for the 
Curiosity of the Workmanship, as its Bigness; to all appearance, 
the Elephant Tooth that Piece was cut out of must weigh at least 
three Hundred weight. The Prospect of the City is very fine, and 
the Buildings sumptuous, but not so much as a Missioner has 
writ, who affirms it outdoes Rome. 3 We all went away well 
pleas'd and treated ; the French own'd themselves oblig'd to me 
for the kindness those of my Order shew'd them which was 
greatly in my favour afterwards, but they did not like the vast 
Revenue they were told a certain [Religious] Family enjoy'd. 4 On 

1 The fortress of Agoada, on the northern side of Goa bay, was built in 1612 
(J. N. de Fonseca, Sketch of Goa (Bombay, 1878), 40-2). 

2 St Dominic's was famous for its sermons on just treatment for negro slaves, and 
in the end so many fled there for refuge that the friars had to modérate their en- 
thusiasm (Fonseca, 251). 

3 Navarrete's slight treatment of Goa is due to anti-Portuguese bias ; J. Fryer (A 
New Account of East India and Persia, 16J2-81, ed. W. Crooke (London, 1909-15), 
11, 26) describes the city as 'a Rome in India, both for Absoluteness and Fabricks' ; 
indeed it appears to have 'presented a scene of military, ecclesiastical and commercial 
magnificence which has no parallel in the British capitals of India' (Imperial 
Gazetteer, xn, 252). 

4 This was recognized (Cortés Osorio, 152) as a reference to the Jesuits who 



the i6th we weigh'd for Surat, I lightned my self, leaving the 
Chínese Christian I had brought with me at Goa, that I might 
not see the Misery he endur'd at Sea, his sufferings afflicting me 
more than my own. 1 We sail'd before Bengala [ Vengurla] and the 
2¿ Day we lay by at Rosapor [Rajapur] a French Factory. A 
Black carne to us from the Factory, but empty handed. The Wind 
fail'd us some Days. The Captain, my Friend [a Frenchman], 
told me what base things his Countrymen did at Madagascar 
and Musulapatan, taking marry'd Women from their Husbands, 
whom they threatned with Death if they complain'd. They are 
inordinate in this particular. We lay some Days in sight of Dabul 
[Dabhol], a strong and handsome Fort belonging to Subagi; we 
went on to Chaul, Bombaim [Bombay], Bazaim [Bassein], and 
on the 8th of January by break of Day we were before Daman. 
On the nth we Passengers went up to Soali [Swally] in a Dutch 
Boat that carne to us. It was 83 Days after leaving Musulapatam. 
There we entred another Región, under another Government, 
saw other sorts of People, and had Triáis of several Humours. 
May God grant we may find a place to take some rest in. 2 

(Tavernier, II, 238-9) 'did a large trade in rough diamonds'; probably Goa stones 
(Fryer, II, 11-12; Hobsott'Jobson, 379-80). The Fathers were also official adminis- 
trators of military stores and munitions (Carré, 132; Manucci, III, 166, 282; iv, 
452), and the Patriarch of Ethiopa, Father Afonso Méndez, sometimes signed 
letters as 'The Procurator of Diu Fort'. All this, no doubt, aroused envy. Henee the 
popular saying, 'Guard your wife from the friars, and your money from the 
Jesuits' (Fryer, 11, 13); and the complaint of a Viceroy in 1630 that the Jesuits 
behaved as though he depended upon them (Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina 
Portuguesa, 11 (1956), 541). Carré (132-3) gathered that they 'govern all [Portu- 
guese] India in matters both temporal and spiritual, with a superiority and address 
that renders them redoubtable'. For a biased but witty account of Goa, see Hamil- 
ton, 1, 141-3. 

1 'The Chínese who are White, Platter-fac'd, and Little-eyed, tolerated on 
account of embracing Christianity' (Fryer, 11, 23-4). 

2 Navarrete's sudden switches from a past tense into a present or a wish for the 
future have been noted (pp. xc-xci) as evidence of his rather abstracted use of diary 
notes made at the time of the incidents described. This tendeney is especially marked 
in these chapters and there is a striking example at p. 356, para. 5 below. 




I. I carne to Soali much tir'd, and had a mind to stay at Suratte 
to wait for a Religious who design'd to travel by Land ; but the 
next Day I had a Letter from him, giving me an account he had 
not been able to come by Land, by reason of Subagi's Army 
which lay in the way, he having already drawn near to Golconda, 
and destroy'd many Towns and Villages about that Court. 1 This 
made me take another course, which was to make my Intention 
known to the Director General [Carón], who, tho a rank Here- 
tick, had been civil to me, always gave me place at Table above 
others ; drank to me fírst, and gave me the best Bit off his píate. 2 
At fírst he made some difficulty of giving me my Passage in the 
Company's Ship, but was prevail'd upon by me and by a French 
Gentleman, who was bound the same way as my self and from 
that time forward he was daily kinder and kinder to me. On the 
20th of January he gave a farewel Treat, at which were all the 
Officers of the Company. After several Healths, he drank to the 
Captain of the Ship, charging and intreating him to take care 
and make very much of me, as he would do by him if he were 
aboard. I thank'd him for so extraordinary a favour. 
2. On the 2ist in the Morning the Director-General sent for me. I 
was surpriz'd and went to him; the Captain of the Ship, and the 

1 Carré (19), in Surat at the time, witnessed the departure of Navarrete's ship. 
He returned to France by land. Had Navarrete gone by land, or Carré by sea, these 
two gossips would have had much to say of each other. By another coincidence 
Carré returned to report to Colbert on Caron's behalf; and Navarrete also was 
supposed to report to him on behalf of Bishop Pallu, see pp. 428-9 below. 

2 Carón, though a 'fino Herede', had had a Catholic wife, a converted Japanese. 
For other references to him and his news from Japan, see T441; C 35, 474, 
639-40. For his life, see Boxer's ediüon of his True Descriptton, xv-cxxix. 



Gentleman I mention'd before, were with him ; he shut his Door, 
drank several Healths to us three in delicate Wines ; order'd the 
Captain to give me a place in the Great Cabin, and charg'd him 
to make much of me. 1 I went aboard with the Captain, well 
pleas'd but with some concern, because there was no other Priest 
for so tedious a Voyage. Carón miss'd me at Noon, and I not 
being to be found, he was told I was gone aboard, at which he 
seem'd concerned that I had not staid to dinner. 
3. Soali is the Port to Suratte, a Noble City in the Mogul's 
Dominions, in 21 Degrees of North-Latitude ; is no cióse Har- 
bour, but an excellent Road; at low Water the Sands appear 
towards the Sea; Ships ride there very safe, and there were 
abundance there, Dutch, French, English, and Mahometans. 
There these Nations have Faetones to prepare Loading for their 
Ships. At Suratte, which is a League higher, the Faetones are 
very great : From all parts of the World they resort thither, and 
from thence trade to Persia, Meca, Cambaya [Cambay], and all 
parts of India. While I was there, the Portuguese little Fleet 
arriv'd, which runs along that Coast every Year, and trades along 
it; near Bazaim they met another small Fleet belonging to 
Subagi, consisting of fifteen small Ships ; they drove it up to the 
shore, and took every one of them without the expence of a grain 
of Powder. One day the French in my hearing were talking with 
a considerable Mahometan who serv'd their Company, and 
magnifying the King of France, said, 'Only God is great in 
Heaven, and the King of France upon Earth.' The Mahometan 
very soberly answer'd, 'Gentlemen, God in Heaven, and the 
Mogol upon Earth.' They had no more to say. 
4. That Afternoon Carón went aboard, attended by the Officers 
of the Company ; the Cannon were fir'd, there was a plentiful 
Supper, and excellent Grapes, I had eaten some of them ashore. 
Carón was extremely loving to me. The Feast ended, he went 

1 The 'Great Cabin' (Fr. Grande Chambre) was on the first deck, above the Gun- 
Room ; for a plan of these ships, see Sottas, 466. The vessel was the Aigle á'Or (Pallu 
report, BNP MS esp. 381, f. 387; Carré 19, 388). Carré must be wrong in 
giving the departure date as 8 January, for Navarrete's date is backed by the 
dating of his previous chapter, in tum confirmed by Martin. He did not reach 
Swally until ir January. 



away with his Company, and we were quite clear'd; about ten 
we sail'd. The following night, the Wind being very fair, and the 
Weather clear, the Ship ran aground off of Bombay. Good God, 
what a wonderful confusión we were in ! the Ship beat upon the 
Sands and every stroke we expected she was bulg'd, by good 
fortune it was Flood-Tide and God was merciful to us in putting 
us by a Shoal that ran from the point of Land, which was a 
League and a half from us : With that we made out to Sea by 
degrees, and came into Water enough. The Captain was ready to 
fire a Pistol upon the Pilot, who was much to blame, because they 
had warn'd him to take heed of the Point of Land : he would have 
stood out, had they not spoke to him: These Pilots are strange 
obstínate People. 1 

5. Aboard the Ship, I was inform'd by a Heretick of Note that 
Carón, when he was Factor at Japan, had been the Man that 
forg'd a Letter against the Catholicks, upon which ensued the 
last and greatest Persecution there ever was in that Country ; after 
which the Preachers of the Gospel could never gain footing there. 
I will write in another place, where it will be more proper, what 
Carón told me. (Talking on this Point [in Lisbon, 1672] with 
the Lady Duchess of Aveiro y Arcos, she told me that Carón 
himself had confess'd as much in a book he printed in Dutch. 
She got it out and read what I have writ. [C 640]) 

6. On Candlemass-day [2 February] we made Cape Comorin 
and left it astern in eleven days and a half, whereas we had spent 
49 in sailing from it to Suratte. I said Mass every day, God be 
prais'd, and this day four receiv'd Communion. We took a great 
Shark in the North-sea ; and I often observ'd that tho it is such a 
devouring Fish, yet those Fishes they cali Romeros [Pilot-fish] 
have a peculiar Friendship with it, lie under its shelter, stick cióse 
to its Fins, and come to its mouth without any hurt; 2 the St 

1 Navarrete and Carré would have been in agreement about the inability of 
French pilots; see the latter's Traveh, 382, 531-2, and 681, where he complains 
bitterly of the 'mere children earning wages, idlers and shirkers who are the curse of 
our ships . . . hiding between the decks of a ship for whole months among filth 
and foulness, not daring to come up for fear of being made to work'. 

2 For these 'poor silly little Fishes', see Fryer (1, 36) where they are identified as 
naucrates ductor, of the family of the Horse Mackerels. 



Peter's Fish also clings to it. God's Providence is wonderful in all 

7. I enquir'd of the French and Dutch, whether it was true, the 
Hollanders made Salt-water fresh, as I had been inform'd by 
some Missioners in China. 1 They told me it was false. (But we 
have seen it sufficiently practis'd in England, which the Author 
was a stranger to.*) 

8. I also ask'd, Whether there was an Ingineer in France that did 
as much Execution with a Pistol-bullet, as with a whole Cannon, 
which was told me in China? and they answer'd that was a mere 
Fable too. 

9. I further put the Question, Whether there were Vessels made 
in France, that by forcé of Wheels, without Wind, went against 
the Stream? They own'd such a thing had been done, but prov'd 
useless, (This we have seen upon the Thames*). The Dutch Man 
said, He had seen the Ship building in Holland, that was to sail 
from thence in eight Days to India, but it could never be fínish'd 
for the Inventor ran away. So much any Man might have done, 
but it was a great folly to believe and spend Mony upon such a 
mad Undertaking. 

10. On the ioth of February, being Shrovetide, we had pass'd the 
Line, and were becalm'd. The Seamen made merry and sported. 

11. We had some discourse concerning the French East-India 
Company, whether it would stand ; and most agreed it would not, 
because they had no good Government, and particularly did not 
set out their Ships in due season. The Dutch fell a railing at the 
French Diet, and prais'd ours, and the Portugueses; and the 
French oppos'd him ; for my part I never lik'd their Cookery. 

12. It was argu'd, Whether the Court of China were Grand 
Cathay? The Turkish History translated into French, which they 
read there, mention'd that 'before Tamerlan conquer'd China', 
which I am satisfy'd is false, 'the King of Cathay met him without 
the Wall, with 1,400,000 men\ They that speak of Grand 
Cathay, make no mention of the Wall of China ; and conse- 
quently the Court of China, which is but four and twenty 

1 For English attempts to purify salt-water and Dutch use of distilled water on 
ships, see J. J. Keevil, Medicine and the Navy, 1200-1 goo (London, 1958), II, 160. 



Leagues from the Wall, is not Cathay. I never heard any of the 
Missioners of China speak any thing material to this Point, but 
only made Conjectures. 1 

13. We had fresh Fish plentiful, almost all the Lent. On the I5th 
of March, about eight at Night, the WhipstafF broke ; they were 
four hours making another ; the Wind was indiíferent, and so we 
had no great trouble. Some few Years before a Dutch Ship was 
lost about the same place, through the same Accident. Three more 
perish'd, but no body being sav'd, it was not known by what 
Accident. Of the first, three Men escap'd and went in the Boat to 
the Island Mauricia [Mauritius] ; No Ship misses a storm there ; 
we had a great one, and what I have said happen'd the fourth day 
after the violence of it was over. One of those days they took a 
Sea-Hog, in nothing different from those ashore as far as Snout 
and Ears; the Flesh of them is good and wholesom, the Fat is 
black but well-tasted. 

14. On the I7th about eight in the morning, we discover'd the 
Island Mascarenhas, which the French cali of Bourbon [Re- 
unión] ; if it had a Port, it would be one of the finest in the World ; 
the Air is températe, the Water good and plentiful, abundance of 
Fish and Foul, these so numerous that they catch them with sticks. 
The Rice, Corn, Fruit, and Herbs the French have sow'd and 
planted there, have all throve incomparably. 

15. Soon after the Wind started up at South-East so violent, that 
at one gust it carry'd away three Sails, the Main topsail, Mizzen- 
topsail, and Sprit-sail ; It lasted all night, the Sea ran high, and 
beat the Ship furiously. Every day she grew more leaky, the Main- 
mast gave way, and I was greatly apprehensive of what we were 
to endure. 

16. On the 4th of April in the Morning we had a horrid storm of 
Thunder, Lightning, Rain and Wind ; it carne a head of us, and 
we bore it five hours without a rag of Cloth hoisted, the Sea beat 
against the Poop in such violent manner that all the Planks seem'd 

1 Martini had correctly identified Cathay with China, as Navarrete should have 
known ; others, however, were as slow to learn. The French Cartographer Royal, 
Nicolás Sansón (1600-67), still thought they were two different countries after 
more than fifty years of Jesuit discoveries demonstrating the contrary (Szczesniak, 
116, 118, 136). 



to give way, the Water flow'd in amain ; we were all huddl'd up, 
begging mercy of God, I pray'd and cast Holy water, St Nicholas 
his Bread and Palm of St Peter martyr upon the Sea. That fright 
past over, and we prepar'd for others, because we daily drew 
nearer to the Cape of Good Hope, where Winter was beginning. 
The Captain would not ly cióse to the shore, as the Waggoners 
direct, and with good reason, for the Land always shelter'd us 
from South-west, West and North-west Winds which tore us to 
pieces, and besides it was convenient for making our advantage 
of the Land-breezes. One of those Winds would blow, and we 
would lie by, without advancing a foot in eight days. The Ship 
was hard work'd, and the Men ply'd the Pump day and night. 
One Afternoon the Ship gave such a Bulge that there was not a 
Man but fell violently, and she ship'd so much Water at the side 
that we were all in a consternation. That night was very trouble- 
some, the Pilot was afraid the Ship would split asunder and 
founder. We discover'd Cape Agujas [Cape Agulhas], (I kept 
a Journal, but it is not necessary for me to tire myself in writing 
things of small moment) it is twenty Leagues from the Cape of 
Good Hope. Three days we lay upon the Sand. By reason of the 
contrary Winds we ran away Southward to 42 Degrees. (By 
which it appears to be a folly which some write, that the Portu- 
gueses when they turn that Cape discover Tierra del Fuego, or 
Incógnita.) I sometimes wish'd we might light upon the Southern 
Land ; I was much afraid because it was Winter in those parts. 
We did battle with the Winds and furious Seawaves. (I like the 
Sailors way of saying 'do battle'.) On the 2Qth of April it was 
resolv'd to put into Madagascar, having been at Sea ever since 
the 22nd of January. 1 This was a great affliction, yet we were glad 
of it to be rid of those terrible Winds and Waves ; but we were 
in the wrong, for had we stay'd three days longer, we had certainly 
weather'd it as the Wind prov'd afterwards ; four hours more time 
would have done our business. We spent a whole Month about 
the Cape. First the Wind would stand fair, and then within the 
hour tho that fírst Wind had not ceas'd, another would start up 
ahead of us which distracted us. Sometimes there would be a 
1 Carón had specifícally forbidden them to go to Madagascar (Carré, 388). 


Calm, and immediately the Sea appear'd full of Whales on the 
surface of the Water, and they would ply round the Ship to the 
great terror of us that beheld them, and they were a certain token 
of a Storm, as we found by experience. 

17. We wanted not North and North-East Winds in our return 
towards Madagascar, which would have been the best in the 
World had we been doubling the Cape. There was no body 
aboard that had knowledge of those Seas, which was very pre- 
judicial to us. On the I4th of May after night fall, the Wind 
blowing furiously at North, we all of us saw those they cali the 
Candles of St Telmo on the Main-top and Fore-top, so plain, so 
bright, and natural, there was no discerning them from those that 
are placed on Altars. We were all astonish'd at it, they continu'd 
above six hours in the same form, their brightness not declining 
in the least. I having read something of this nature, was very care- 
ful and curious in making particular observation of it; In the first 
place the Wind was violent, and lay upon our broad side. (2) The 
Ship beat very hard. (3) Those Tokens were only to be seen in 
those two places I mention'd, always perpendicular over the 
Round-top, without the least alteration. If they had been drops of 
Water, how carne they to be only in those two places? And how 
carne it the Wind did not blow them away? And how carne it 
they did not fall with such terrible beating? I own I do not under- 
stand it. Some Seamen had seen the like before ; some said they 
presaged fair Weather, others a Storm, others that their appearing 
aloft was a good sign, but had it been on the Deck it had been 
bad. Every Man spoke his mind ; the best being to have recourse 
to God. We sang our Ladies Litany, begging her assistance. The 
consequence was that the next day about Night-fall, on a sudden 
the North-wind ceas'd, and another started up astern, the violentest 
we ever had yet ; we sail'd three days under a Foresail reef 'd, with 
our Yards and Topmasts struck. The Sea beating on the Poop 
frighted us, and ran so high, I had not courage to look at it. 
What I endur'd during this time is not to be writ, only God 
and I know it ; likewise what I suffer'd at other times : how many 
nights I passed leaning upon a Brass-Gun, and how many sitting 
by the Bittake. Amidst a great deal of foul Weather, and dis- 



contents betwixt the Captain, the Gentleman, [Dandron] and 
the Pilot, we at length arriv'd at Madagascar, or the Island of St 
Laurence, which the French at present cali Isle Dauphine. 1 In the 
Bay (for it is no Port) we found the King's Fleet, and one Ship of 
the Companies. 2 The French had sometimes spoke ill of the 
Spanish Inquisition, having heard several hard and harsh reports 
out of all reason concerning it from wicked Men; I inform'd the 
Gentleman, Monsieur Dandron, of the whole truth of the Method, 
Discretion, Piety and Compassion of that Tribunal and of the 
Gravity, Authority, Zeal and Virtue of the Officers, and he was 
well pleas'd, and said, It were happy they had it in France. I 
inform'd him what Father Rogemont, a Flemish Jesuit, told me 
in China, to wit, that his Countrymen had a most hideous 
notion of this Tribunal, because they conceited many foolish 
fancies concerning it, but that he was very sure had they been 
rightly inform'd, they would not have made the least opposition. 3 
18. They never fail of Prayers Morning and Evening aboard their 
Ships, and do not neglect it upon any account whatsoever. Upon 
Sundays and Holidays we sang Vespers, and the Litanies, in the 
Morning Psalms and Hymns proper to the day. All were punctual 
at Mass, which I never omitted when the Weather would permit, 
so there were always some went to Confession and Communion. 
Truly I was much edify'd at them, particularly at their not 
swearing, for it was rare to hear an Oath aboard, which is seldom 
so in Ours, or the Portugueses, Ships. Dandron said their way of 
Praying in Latin was better than our general use of the Beads, but 

1 Madagascar was given the ñame of St Lawrence by the Portuguese, who first 
sighted it on that saint's feastday. The French headquarters there was Fort Dauphin 
in the south-east of the island. 

2 The Fleet, the first French naval forcé to be despatched to India, was under the 
command of Blanquet de la Haye; the other ship belonged to the French East 
India Company fleet under the Marquis de Montdevergue (J. Sottas, Histoire de la 
Compagine Royale des ludes Orientales, 1664-1 jig (Paris, 1905), 43-6 ; and see Carré's 
highly indignant account of French mismanagement of the affair (378-89)). An 
anonymous account of the voyage on board a vessel in de la Haye's fleet is published 
as Journal du Voyage des Grandes Indes (Orleans, 1697). 

3 For French antipathy to the Inquisition, see Carré, 5. In the East this attitude 
was strengthened by the notorious Ephraim affair and by Dellon's restrained and 
moving account of his imprisonment : Histoire de l'Inquisiüon de Goa (Amsterdam, 



I convinced him that the Rosary Beads were of more use to ig- 
norant People who understood not Latin, and therefore had the 
comfort of understanding the Prayers they said by their Beads. 
19. Several other Arguments were held aboard, not at all proper 
to be handled by those who had only read Rhetorick and 
Grammar. In short, it pleas'd God we carne to an Anchor at 
Madagascar on the 29th of May, tho in rainy foul and windy 
Weather. There carne immediately aboard us a French Capuchin 
[Ambroise de Preusty] who was agreat comfort to me ; I went with 
him to his Ship, and then to another, where I was made much of. 
The rest did the same afterwards, they all ofFer'd me their Ships, 
and any thing in them ; in truth I was much beholden to them. I 
went ashore, and receiv'd a French Bishop's Blessing, who had 
been a Missioner in Tunquin and China, and was returning 
from Rome, of whom I had news from thence and Spain. 1 I 
consider'd the vast distance, being above 3000 Leagues, and 
thought it impossible to reach home. 

1 The Bishop was Francois Pallu, titular Bishop of Heliopolis. The significance 
of this meeting is discussed in Appendix II below. The Capuchin is identified by 
Grandidier (m, 348) following Journal iu Voyage, 1, 97; but on the other hand he 
may be the friar Ambroise de Preuilly referred to (Pallu, Lettres, 11, 401, 424) as 
being stationed in Surat round about this time. 




1. I lay some time aboard, because there was no conveniency 
ashore, and I forsaw what I was to suffer there. 1 Before I went 
ashore again, I convers'd with the French Capuchin concerning 
the French and the Spanish Bishops ; and he answer'd me, The 
King of Spain is more Religious than our King, and so are the 
People, so that they have a different notion of these things than 
my Countrymen ; and tho there are learned and Pious Religious 
enough in France yet many Bishopricks are given to Men of 
Great Families and Men who have served the State. Speaking 
of the office of French King's Confessor my Informant said, It is 
more a matter of Politicks and of Reason of State than any thing 
else. 2 

2. Aboard the other Ships they had ask'd the Bishop's leave to 
eat Flesh always, which I did not like because Fish might have 
been had easily if they wished. The French and Portuguese laugh 
at the Spaniards for eating Oífal-meat on Saturdays, without 
considering they do much worse themselves upon other accounts. 3 
But often it is necessary to hear, see and hold one's Peace. 

3. The Portugueses discover'd that Island, and abandon'd it; 

1 For Navarrete's stay in Madagascar, see Appendix II below. 

2 The Jesuit Francois Annat (1590-1670) was confessor to Louis XIV; this 
remark is defended at C 617. 

3 Formerly, Saturday was a day of abstinence from meat ; the Castilians, however, 
had the privilege of eating grosura, the extremities and entrails of animáis, on that 
day. For an explanation of why the Bishop had dispensed with the abstinence, see 
I-M. Roguet's 'Letter' in Mémoires de la Congrégation de la Mission, ix (1866), 575. 
This letter gives a little-known but vivid picture of conditions in the colony at this 
time: disease was rampant and many died; supplies were short and there were 
constant threats from hostile naúves ; houses had to be guarded night and day, but 
robberies were still frequent and the roads outside the Fort were unsafe. 

N 347 


next the Dutch took and left it, the French took possession last, 
and say they will quit it, because no benefít can be made of it. The 
Bay is in about 26 Degrees of South Latitude, the Air unwhole- 
som, and the Water bad. The French have nothing there but the 
Bay, some Thatch'd Houses, and a Mud-wall, which is a begin- 
ning of a Fort they design. The Island is the biggest that is known 
in the Universe. The Inland abounds in Blacks, has many Kings 
and petty Princes. The People are very Barbarous, Brothers and 
Sisters marry, Fathers have to do with their Daughters, and Sons 
with their Mothers. 1 They are Warlike, and manage their Spears 
very well, as we saw while we were there. The Country breeds 
vast numbers of very large Cows, whose flesh is very good, and 
on their Shoulders they have great Bunches like that on a Camel, 
one of them, weigh'd whilst I was there, was 36 Pound weight; it 
is all fat like Butter, except some strings of Lean mix'd with it ; 
they cut it in slices, and fry it, and it is an excellent Dish. There 
are Goats in abundance, some peculiar sorts of Fruit, an infinite 
quantity of Rice. There are in the Island two Noble Ports, one on 
the East-side, which is call'd Antón Gil, a Portuguese Dis- 
coverer's ñame. There the Fleet got a great quantity of Rice in 
exchange for Glass Beads. The other is call'd St Augustin's Bay. 
This is reported to be an extraordinary Port, but both Places very 

4. As to the Religión of those People, the Missioners told me they 
are like Manichees and acknowledg a good and a wicked God ; 
that they give little Worship to the good one, and a great deal to 
the bad. The good one, say they, being such, will do them no 
harm, so that they need not trouble their heads about him; but 
they must please the bad one that he may not punish them, and 
therefore they offer several Sacrifices to him. 2 They are addicted 
to strange Superstitions to deliver themselves from Crocodiles, 
Sickness and other misfortunes. They cut off the Children's 
Navel-String, and wear it about their Necks to make them for- 
túnate. I observ'd it, and they themselves told me so. Every one 

1 Thus Dellon (Voyage, 22) : 'the natives commit the most abominable incests at 

2 This is also touched on in T 241 ; it is confirmed by Dellon, Voyage, 21-2. 



has as many Wives as he pleases, and they have the liberty of un- 
marrying whensoever they will. 

5. I contriv'd to lie ashore because the Ship was not convenient 
for Prayer, Reading and Study. There was Feasting, Visiting, 
and such noise in the great Cabin, that no quiet was to be ex- 
pected. Besides that, the North-East Winds are continually 
boisterous, and no Ship is safe there; this too oblig'd me to quit, 
tho I was ty'd to come and say Mass aboard. It was no easy 
matter to connive to live ashore, because the Island's Missioners 
had the Bishop and his Companions in their House, so that no 
place was empty. 1 1 took up in a little low Thatcht-Cottage, went 
to diñe with the French Gentleman [Dandron] and he always did 
me extraordinary Kindnesses. The Church was far off, so that I 
spent much time in going to it and returning. I continued in this 
manner above a Month, and it was no small Penance had I made 
a right use of it. The Gentleman and Captains took compassion 
on me, and blam'd the Bishop without cause. One day without 
my knowledg Dandron went to the Bishop, and said to him, 'My 
Lord, we are all scandaliz'd to see you are all Missioners, and 
preach up Charity, and yet use none toward this poor Old-man 
who is a Missioner as well as you, and banish'd for the Law of 
God.' I was concern'd at it, for fear they should imagin it was a 
contrivance of mine; but that way of living was so tedious to me, 
considering it was to last five Months, that I was out of patience, 
and resolv'd to return to India in that Fleet, which I told the 
Capuchin my Friend; he acquainted the Bishop with it, and 
mov'd that I might go to the Church, alledging reasons for it, 
and among others the good Offices I had done the Missioners of 
Tunquin and Cochinchina. The Bishop was mov'd to it the 
more, because among some Papers I had given him, he hapned 
to find that I was a Superior of my Order: 2 this wrought much 
upon him, and had I foreseen it would stand me in such stead, I 
would easily have made him acquainted with it; but it never 

1 There was another explanation too ; see Appendix II below. 

2 Upon the death of friar Juan Bautista Morales in September 1664, Navarrete 
had been appointed Superior of the Dominicans in China and Prefect Apostolic 
(defíned in Addis, s.v). 



carne into my thoughts, ñor is it to the purpose when you are to 
do a poor Religious a kindness, whether he is a Superior, or 

6. On the nth of July I went to the Church, had a Cell, and a 
fine Study of Books which was a mighty satisfaction to me. 1 A 
Month after the Fleet with the Lord Bishop and his Companions 
sail'd for Suratte. I was left with the Missioners belonging to the 
Island, being three in number, and two Lay-brothers of a new 
Religious Order in France [Congregation of the Mission] Men 
of great Piety and good Example. They serv'd every Body readily, 
and every Morning, at Four of the Clock precisely, met at Prayers 
at home. Their Diet was slender and bad: Upon Fridays and 
Fasting-days, they eat Herbs out of a little Garden they had, and if 
there was an Egg over and above, that was much. One Friday 
whilst the good Bishop was there, we were seven at Table ; there 
was Pottage and only two Eggs for his Lordship, I sat next him, 
he gave me one, and we had no more. By this I guess'd that what 
had been said about their eating Flesh on Fasting-days was false, 
because all the time I was with them, tho the Fare was so slender, 
they never eat Flesh on any day when it is forbidden. 

7. As to the state of Christianity in the Island, they told me there 
were above a thousand baptiz'd, and not above fífty that liv'd like 
Christians. 2 The French Gentleman had a little Black he had 
previously carry'd from thence to Suratte and Masulapatan, where 
he had been three years, was well ciad, spoke French and Portu- 
guese, was grown familiar and well fed ; nevertheless, the love of 
his Country prevail'd, and he now fled. Till the Natives are 
subdu'd, which is not easy, they will never improve in Spirituals 
or Temporals. The Admiral [de la Haye] had gone up the 
Country [in January 1671] with 500 French to strike a terror into 

1 While here, Navarrete wrote up much of the material for his two books 
(T 289-90). He also sent word of his progress to the Philippine Dominicans 
('Ends', 46r), who so far had had only indirect reports of his having reached India 
(Varo to friar Medina, December 1671 : letter in CASA 1074, f. 291). 

2 Dellon ( Voyage, 22) bears Navarrete out in this : 'of three Thousand that had 
been baptized . . . there were scarce twenty that used to frequent our Church . . . 
some of the French, by their manner of living, shew'd but a very ill example to these 
new Converts.' 



their Enemies. He would not be advis'd by the Governour [de 
Champmargou] and so carne oíf with the loss of 400 Men ; and it 
was reponed that fifteen Blacks had made all that Slaughter, 
and a jest out of him. 1 <What a fine Thing that a Souldier should 
labour and fíght till he loses his Life, and when he has lost it 
there should be no care taken for his Soul ! I know well the neglect 
of the French in Madagascar, for above 400 of them were left dead 
in the Field fíghting the Blacks, and as yet the first Mass is not said 
for them. The Missioners that liv'd there, and I among them, did 
what Charity requir'd at our hands in this Respect. But it is just 
and reasonable that Kings should take Care to do good for the 
Souls of those that die in War. The Emperor Chao Lie [Chao 
lieh-ti] was very careful in offering Sacrifíce to Heaven, Earth, his 
Ancestors, and his Subjects that dy'd in War ; he show'd himself 
very religious in all his Actions, tho in a false and idolatrous 
Religión, and was merciful in his Government. 2 Some Accounts 
have reach'd China in which they blame the negligence and 
remissness of our Nation as to this particular. [ T 9ó]> 
8. The Governour was a little Man, lame of a Hand and a Foot, 
and sickly, but a very Saint ; the Enemy dreads him more than if 
he were a Giant, he has done great feats and obtain'd signal 
Victories over those Blacks with a handful of Men. The Admiral 
went away [May 1671] to the Island Mascarenhas, or Bourbon, 
and left the Governour Orders not to wage War with the Enemy, 
even tho they should provoke him ; and they said, it was for fear 
the Governour should get the better with that handful of Men he 
had, which would make his own attempt the more shameful. 
All his [de la Haye's] Men went to India with an ill will under 
his command. I heard some account of him, and declar'd I was of 
opinión he would do not good there. I prov'd a true Prophet, as it 
hapned. 3 

1 This was a punitive expedition, criticized by many others also, against 
Ramouset, a native headman; Carré estimates 1,000 were lost, but probably 
exaggerates (Carré, 386-7 ; Martin, 1, 306 ; Kaeppelin, 51). 

2 Chao-lieh-ti (a.d. 221-3) founded the Minor Han dynasty (Giles, 516). 

3 "... the unfortunate French nature asserted itself. I mean that the discords, 
quarrels, disobedience, and fíghts one against the other, were so great that the other 
European companies, who had begun to feel jealous of our [French] establishment, 



9. When the Admiral return'd from the Island Mascarenhas [25 
June], I talk'd with him, he treated me courteously. The Major 
of the Island [de la Case] was dead [23 June 1671] ; he had been 
marry'd to a lusty Black Woman. He left three Daughters : John 
Lambertegi [La Bretéche] Captain of a Company, who told me 
he had serv'd in the same quality in Spain, presently propos'd to 
marry the Eldest, which was accordingly done with the greatest 
Pomp I ever saw, the Wedding was kept aboard the Admiral 
[flag-ship, the Navarré], All the ships being thirteen in number 
discharg'd several broad sides. 1 The Captain of another Company 
[Tomassin] a very handsome Man, marry'd the Widow, but it 
was before break of day [27 July] and very privately. 2 I was con- 
cern'd at it, these People are not so nice as our Spaniards. There 
were several Frenchmen there marry'd with Black Women, and 
others were gone up the Country where they liv'd naked like the 
Blacks. I saw some in that condition, and was much asham'd of it. 

10. In this Island I saw beautiful Peacocks. 3 In that of Mascaren- 
has they say there are fine Birds and Beasts, and that to this day 
they have never seen a Toad, Snake, Mouse, or any other sort of 
Vermine, which is very strange. And how should we guess which 
way all those living Creatures got thither ; the matter is easier for 
Birds, but not of all sorts. Pigeons fly far, but Turtles, Nightingals, 
and other sorts found there cannot easily hold a flight over so vast 
a Sea. The Bird Ruc I mention'd in the fírst Book [T43] is for 
me, a mere Chimera. Mozambique lies West of Madagascar. The 
Arabs arriv'd there in the Year 1670, and did great Mischief. The 
Country abounds in Gold and Elephants, and Unicorns. Up the 
Inland is the Empire of Monomotapa. The late Emperor's Son, 
Eider Brother to him now reigning, was of late Years baptiz'd by 
the Religious of our Order ; and took their Habit, has prov'd a 

conceived a firm hope that our fine enterprises would not last long' (Carré, 381). 
For the subsequent history of the Fleet, see C. R. Boxer, 'The Third Dutch War 
in the East (1672-4)', Mariner's Mtrror, xvi (1930), 343-5 ; Chardin, 1-5 ; Carré, 
401 ; Knox, 295. 

1 The marriage took place on 19 July, and the celebrations continued until 23rd 
{Journal, 1, 78). 

2 These details are confirmed by Carré, 380 ; Kaeppelin, 51 ; Journal, I, 76 ff. 

3 There are no peacocks in Madagascar : perhaps he meant guinea-fowl. 



good Religious, was at Goa when I was there; he was call'd 
home by his People, but knowing, or suspecting, they intended 
to put the Government into his hands, he apprehended running 
himself into some danger, and refus'd to go. 1 
11. On the West and near the Island of Madagascar there is a 
small one [Johanna Is.] inhabited by Arabs. They have a Fort, 
and go over to Madagascar to rob. A great number of Blacks 
carne together, and courted the French to join with them in 
making War upon those Arabs, before we left the place. John 
Lambertegi [La Bretéche] went up the Country with fifteen 
Frenchmen, and some Natives to treat about this affair. By degrees 
time slipp'd, and Winter pass'd away, and about mid October 
the Rains had ceas'd, and the Cold abated. I was so eager to be at 
Sea, that every Day seem'd a Year. All-Saints Day was appointed 
for our departure, but the Weather was such as gave little hope of 
weighing Anchor. On All-Saints Day [1 November] I said 
Mass, but we could not stir. Upon All Souls Day [2 November] 
we being out in readiness, the Wind began to blow at North- 
East, and we by God's goodness to sail. 

1 Prince Michael of Monomotapa became a Dominican, known as Friar Miguel 
de Apresentaclo ; made a Master of Theology, he was teaching in Goa in 1670. 
The Dominicans worked in Monomotapa where the Royal Chaplain was always 
a member of the Order. In India the Dominicans admitted natives to holy Orders 
(A. da Silva Regó, Curso de Missionologia (Lisboa, 1956), 3 36, 3 3 8 ; F. de Almeida, 
Historia da Igreja em Portugal (Coimbra, 1910-22), m, pt. i, 742), and many African 
negroes were taken to Goa as slaves, where 'some . . . in the End come to be Priests. 
I have known many Coal-Black Priests about Goa' (Hamilton, 1, 17-18). On the 
mission to Monomotapa, see Maracci, 4-9. 




1. The Ship-provision was little and that not good, so I beg'd 
some Onions of the [Capuchin] Missioner my Friend, which he 
gave me, and I valued very much. I was told the French Admiral 
[de la Haye] bound for Suratte, intended to make the Dutch and 
English strike to him but 'tis not likely he compass'd it; they 
added, the Honour of France lay at stake upon that Fleet ; if so 
then their Honour is at a low Ebb, yet they pretend theirs is the 
most mighty King in Christendom. May God, who gave it him 
gratis, continué his Grandeur. 

2. We had a good Voyage all the Month of November, save one 
furious Storm on the 28th ; but Summer being now advanced we 
fear'd it not, but turn'd our Head to it, and back'd the Sails. On 
the last day of the Month we turn'd the Cape. A Hugonot 
Captain [Foran] an honest fair Gentleman, had come aboard us 
at Madagascar ; I cannot express how much I was oblig'd to this 
Heretick, for he was well provided. 1 He order'd his Servants to 
give me every thing I ask'd for. I ask'd and ask'd again, and they 
supply'd me without failing. Next to God, this Man sav'd my 
life, and I wish'd I could have given him Eternal life. He told me 
how his King aspir'd to possess himself of New Spain, and in 
order to it had sent one over to view and take an exact account of 
the Country and of the Ports, Exits and Entrances, and other 
Places. This Man had spent three Years there, and return'd with 
full and exact Information, which he deliver'd in Writing to 

1 Foran, or Ferrand, Captain of the Triomphe, had left France with de la Haye's 
fleet for India but decided to visit Brazil en route. For this truancy de la Haye im- 
prisoned him when he eventually caught up with the main body at Madagascar. 
Disenchanted with the enterprise, he and three other officers returned home in the 
Aigle (Carré, 385-8 ; Journal, 1, 2, 64, 80). 



Monsieur Colbert, First Minister of France. <I ask'd Foran, 
What Title and Cause is there for this? And he answer'd me, 
'The same Right that the King of Spain has to possess the Indies.' 

3. I was eager to come to the Cape of Good Hope, that I might 
see what the Dutch have done there. Some French who had 
seen told wonders of it, that there was an admirable Port, with 
abundance of good Cannon, fine Houses, Gardens and Orchards, 
producing all sorts of European Fruits, and those of the Country, 
which are good and various, and abundance of Cows, Sheep, 
Hens, Turkeys, besides good Horses. Major John Muñoz Gadea, 
who carne that way in the Year 1672, told me the same in Spain. 
The Dutchman aboard our Ship had told us there were Sea 
Elephants seen in that place; some believ'd it, others, and I 
among them, suspended their judgment, but the same Gentleman 
told me he had seen two there, each about as big as a Cow, but 
the Feet and Tail very like an Elephant. Before we put into 
Madagascar, we saw the Sea in places cover'd with Geese, it was 
wonderful to see such multitudes of them. Don John Muñoz 
assur'd me they were Sea-Geese, which had no Feet, so that they 
had Wings and Feathers to fly, and no Feet to walk, and therefore 
carne to be feather'd Fish. God who created them knows how 
they laid or hatch'd. 1 

4. Fifteen or twenty Leagues Norwest of the Cape is the Bay of 
Saldania, discover'd by the Portugueses ; all about it there is not 
a drop of Sweet-water to be found which is a great misfortune. 
The French Admiral [de la Haye] had set up a Mark there in 
token that he took possession of that place for his King, but the 
Dutch presently pull'd it down ; whilst they have the Cape who 
can subsist near it? And had the Portugueses secur'd the Cape, 
which cost them so dear to find, who would have sail'd to India? 
Today when there is no remedy, they repent and weep over it. 

1 Fryer (1, 35-6) describes them: 'as large as a River Perch bedeckt with Silver- 
spangled Scales and long Fins for conveying them under Water as also for soaring 
into the Air.' See also F. Pyrard de Laval, Voyage to the East Indies, ed. A. Gray and 
H. C. P. Bell (London, 1887-9), 1, 9; and Richard Hawkins's comparison of 
them, at the mercy of dolphins and cormorants, to game at the mercy of hounds and 



The Dutch take Whales and abundance of Sea-wolves in the 
Bay of Saldania, the Skins of the latter serve to cover Trunks, and 
yield good profit. 

5. We sail'd for the Island St Helena with fair Wind and 
Weather. On the fourth of December we were in 28 Degrees, 45 
Minutes of South Latitude, our course Norwest. Summer came 
on, the Heat with it, and the Wind slackned. Two Youths 
aboard had quarrell'd bitterly; today they made it up and shook 
Hands and all was settl'd. Not a Fish to be seen or taken, I 
wonder what has become of them. 

6. On the ioth the Sky was so thick clouded, that for six days 
following we neither saw the Sun by Day, ñor the Moon by 
Night; we were then within the Tropick and the Sun Vertical, 
the Weather as cool as it is in Spain in March. There is great 
variety of Seasons in the same Latitude ; who can assign the reason? 
The Year before we said, the strength of the Sun consum'd the 
Vapours in that Latitude, and therefore there were no Clouds 
appear'd ; now we said the forcé of the Sun drew up thick 
Vapours, which caus'd such black Clouds ; certain it is there is 
no deciding this matter. 

7. We observ'd some never failing Tokens, by which to know 
whether there will be Wind or not. One was the cockroaches left 
their Nests and went running and fluttering about the Ship ; and the 
more restless they are, the higher the Wind ; and by observing what 
place they come from, it can be told whether it will be fair or not. 

8. Another is when the sucking pigs on board run and tumble 
about the Ship during a Calm ; when we saw them play thus we 
rejoiced being sure of a Wind. 

9. There was aboard a Young Man of Quality [du Menillet], 
who had been Major aboard the Fleet that sail'd for Suratte ; he 
was somewhat impertinent, had lost all he had, and so was forc'd 
to give over play. 1 He us'd to eat with the Hugonot [Foran] who, 
observing he did not say Grace, told him of it ; and the Youth 
alledg'd it was not the Custom in France, which was false, for all 
others in the Ship did it, but he. 

1 He, like Foran, was abandoning the Fleet and returning to France (Journal, 1, 



10. This Young Man and another [de la Houssaye?] us'd to 
swear at Play; the Hugonot told them he would play no more 
with them, if they did not give over that Vice; they did not, and 
he was as good as his word. Talking with him one Afternoon I 
ask'd him, how it carne he did not play? He answer'd, 'I play to 
divert my self, and pass the Time, not to swear my self, or hear 
others swear ; those Gentlemen swear, I have told them my Mind, 
they don't mend, and I don't like to play with them.' I was 
amaz'd and out of Countenance, tho I knew he had done the 
same at Madagascar, and that at Geneva they had Spies about to 
discover Swearers in order to punish them. O shame of Catholicks, 
Spaniards, and Portugueses, who are unruly, impudent and 
scandalous in this particular ! He that does not rap out an Hun- 
dred Oaths, thinks he does not look like a Man. How horrid it is 
to hear a Portuguese swear by a Ship-load of consecrated Hosts, 
and a Spaniard by the Wounds of Christ, and by the Blessed 
Virgin! And so God prospers them accordingly, 'For Thou 
visitest us, as we worship Thee.' (Another Matter it occurs to me 
to mention here for it is very frequent in Portuguese ships, and 
in ours. I have seen somewhat of it, tho not so much. It touches on 
superstition, for this Reason I put it here. The Case is that, when 
the Wind fails for sailing, the mariners have recourse to a Statue 
of Saint Anthony, they tie it with a Length of Oakum to the 
mizzen-mast and will not reléase it thence on any Account, until 
the Wind blows, and mayhap they cast it into the Water. Some 
there have been that, enrag'd, have bitt the Head off the Saint for 
that he gave them not the Wind they ask'd for. And so positive 
are they that this is Devotion, that however much this Behaviour 
is cry'd down to them, yet they will not leave it aside. Now all this 
I consider uniformly condemn'd as puré Superstition, for those 
Actions in no Way ñor Wise, have that influence or con- 
nection with the Wind or Waves that is desir'd by those Means. 
[R3I] 1 ) 

11. On the 20th of December at two in the Afternoon we anchor'd 
at the Isle St Helena ; being so small, it was much that we hit it so 

1 Another curious Spanish custom was that of vowing, when in danger at sea, 
to marry the first poor girl met after safe landing (Labat, i, 5). 



exactly without erring an Inch from what they had said aboard 
previously. The Portugueses discovered that Island; had they 
kept possession of it and the Cape, they might have easily lorded it 
alone in India, for where should Ships take in fresh Water and 
Provisions? The Dutch took it, but then fixing at the Cape the 
English made themselves Masters ofit; the Dutch retook, and the 
English again beat them out ofit. The Island is small, all en- 
compass'd with Rocks rising up to the Clouds, it looks like a 
great Fort or Castle; it has no Harbour, but there is good 
Anchoring and safe from the Winds, because at that Season they 
come over the Island. The place where the English were, is a small 
Valley, not a musket Shot in Breadth, without a Tree or Bush, or 
a Foot of Strand ; but there is an excellent Brook of fair Water 
which God has provided for the Benefit of Sailers ; there is no 
Wood, which would have been a great help. Beyond the Rocks 
they say there is plain and pleasant Ground well water'd. In that 
place there is a little Town of English, who till the Ground, sow 
Rice, make Butter and Cheese ; there are some sorts of Fruit, 
Swine, and Goats that were put in by the Dutch and Portugueses 
so that there is refreshment enough there at present. There was 
some disputes and altercations about Landing, the little Gover- 
nour 1 was afraid they were going to assault him, he order'd the 
French should not come within his Fort, arm'd, and that they 
should come but two at a time ; so that none went ashore but the 
Seamen and two poor Fellows. After Mass I went to get a little 
Biscuit, and saw the Governour who receiv'd me courteously ; he 
had been at Madrid, and valued himself on his Metaphysicks ; to 
say the truth, he was an Ingenious Man, made much of me that 
Day, forced me to stay all Night, gave me a good Bed ; we dis- 
cours'd upon several Subjects, and he put to me three Cases 
concerning Baptism; he was at variance with his Parson 
[Noakes]. 2 There I found some Blacks of Madrastapatan, for 
whom I was concern'd, because they had bin Catholicks at 
home, and were Hereticks there : there were also two French Men 

1 Span. gobemadorcillo : A Philippine term denoting a petty governor or magis- 

2 For the background to this, see Appendix III below. 



in the same way. The Fort is considerable enough for that place, 
the Garison small but there is no need of many Souldiers to 
oppose any Enemy. I admire the Dutch should take that Island 
from the English, and much more that they should recover it 
from them. 

12. After this we had a Feast and all that follows thereupon, 
according to the Customs of those Nations. The English 
Governor's ñame was Richard Cuni [Cony] and (after we had 
supp'd I remember he and others bethought them that we might 
all join together in a large Room to sing their Psalms and 
Prayers; they press'd me to remain there with them, assisting at 
that Act, without praying along with them, but although it 
seem'd to me that twas but passive or material Assistance, yet I 
would not come to it ; they shew'd no little Grief but I paid no 
Heed. [C 128]) The Governour said to Foran, the Hugonot, 
'The Reverend Father is a great Friend to your Worship/ for 
indeed I had spoke well of him. Foran anser'd, 'There is no 
trusting of him, for the Fathers don't love Hereticks !' I have 
observ'd that these Men plainly own themselves Hereticks, as I 
have often heard from their own Mouths; though others of them 
will not confess it. 

13. About 26 or 27 Years ago a Portuguese Carack was cast 
away there ; the Men got to the Island, and stay'd there two Years. 
They took there the Swine, Goats, and other Cattel out of the 
Carack, turn'd them loóse, and they began to increase so very 
much, that, some time after, twelve English and Dutch Ships 
putting in there, found Plenty of Provisión to serve them all. 'Tis 
strange, but they all affirm it to be true. The Dogs multiply'd too, 
and at present do harm among the Calves and Kids ; they hunt 
them, as we do Wolves in other Parts. There are abundance of 
Pigeons, and all white ; in those Parts they cali that sort Pigeons 
of St Helena, to dístinguish them from those that have been 
carry'd from several Parts of India. 

14. Discoursing concerning Transmigraron of Souls, Governour 
Cuni said, that when he was in Guinea, the Interpreter told him 
that in such a House there was a Lion, in whom was the Soul of 
the fírst Ancestor of that Family, as those Heathens believ'd. He 



desir'd to be carry'd to see him, they went, and he said he saw a 
most terrible Lion, which very tamely pass'd by him into the 
House, where he took two or three turns, and then in his sight 
went into a Room. He own'd he quak'd with fear at the sight. 
Sure some Devil was in the Body of it, to deceive those People, 
which is the more likely, because they told him it neither Eat ñor 

15. I said three Masses on Christmas Day; one at Midnight for 
the Ship's Sailors devoutly request'd it. The second I began at 
Dawn, and follow'd with the Third which was attended by 
People from a French Ship which arriv'd after ours. Eight 
Persons Confess'd and Communicated. That afternoon we sail'd 
towards the Island of the Ascensión. We had but little Wind till 
the 3d of January, and the Weather being fair I said Mass every 
Day. On the 4th we had sight of the Island, and the 5th anchor'd 
opposite to a little Bay, from which rises a high Pyramidal Moun- 
tain, on the top whereof are two great Crosses set up by the Portu- 
gueses ; three French Men went up thither. The Island is but small, 
lies in 8 Degrees of South Latitude, no Water has as yet been 
found there. It lies almost half way betwixt Guinea and Brazil, 
which are 400 Leagues asunder East and West. They found 
Letters ashore of French and English, who had pass'd by there 
the Year before; those that sail this way, are so curious, as to 
write Letters, put them into Bottles of thick Glass and leave 
them in a safe place but visible, by which the next Comers 
have intelligence who is gone by, and what Voyage, Weather 
and Delays they had. It was the Twelfth-day, or Epiphany. 
Foran made a Feast at Night, and according to the custom of 
France we drew for King, it fell to my Lot, and I could not 
excuse my self, so I chose my Officers, and forbore the rest of the 

16. Some Seamen having spent a whole Night in fishing for 
Tortoises, got but one ; tho it was a great one. The Captain was 
out of Patience at it, order'd to weigh, and we continued our 
Voyage without hopes of seeing Land till we carne to France. We 
fell to eating the Tortoise, whose Flesh was very good ; they found 
above 200 Eggs in her, all of them as round as a Ball ; the Shell 



was tough yet pliable and when thrown against the Deck, would 
rebound like a Ball. 

17. The ioth of January was the Feast of St William Duke of 
Aquitain, the Captain's Ñame was so; we celebrated it the best 
we could, he was thankful, and made a generous return. On the 
1 5th we found our selves 20 Minutes North of the Line, so that 
we had cut it about 9 or 10 of the Clock. All the way from the 
Cape of Good Hope to this place we had always the Wind at 
South-East, East-South-East, and South-East by South. There 
were aboard the Ship only a Black Boy of Madagascar, and a 
Black Girl two Years and a half Oíd, that had never cut the Line ; 
and not to lose the Sailers Custom, they duck'd them both ; this 
and some other Sports the Seamen always found out was some 
Diversión to us. 

18. When we were got beyond two Degrees of North Latitude 
we had some Calms, then followed terrible Thunder, and a 
furious North-East Wind; St Telmo's Candles appear'd again 
upon the Round-tops, but not so bright, ñor did they last so long 
as the other time. Now was the first Holy-day we miss'd of Mass 
since our departure from Madagascar; the Seas and Ship's 
violent Motions made it seem as if we were got back to the Cape 
of Good Hope. 

19. In 13 Degrees 15 Minutes of North Latitude there is a Rock, 
on which a Ship perish'd some Years since, we alter'd our course 
to avoid it. I have often consider'd, did we shun the occasion of 
Sinning, as a Pilot does the Shoals, our Lives would be most 
Holy. Good God, how careful is a Pilot to shun the risk and the 
danger ! he thinks not enough to get 3 or 4 Leagues off, but runs 

20. 30, nay 40, as I have seen, and still is afraid. Our Pilot 
Lázaro Beato us'd to say in the North Sea, 'Fathers, the King's 
Ship is not safe in a hundred Fadom Water.' 1 How careless is 
every Man of the Ship that God has committed to his charge, and 
yet we would have it come off safe from so many Fíats, Rocks, 
Sands, and Dangers, as occur at every step in this World? 

20. We were all sad and melancholy, tho the Winds had been 
favourable, and had not been much troubled with Calms. A 
1 Pilot on his first voyage in 1646. 


Ship has been in a dead Calm 50 Days together near the Line; 
had the like happen'd to us, our Provisión was so short and bad, 
that we must have all perish'd. I have cut the Line five times, that's 
enough in Opinión ; he is mad enough who crosses it, unless he 
goes purely to serve God. Yet I never found any manner of altera- 
tion in my self, or any thing else ; others tell strange Stories of it, 
which are not to be credited. 

21. Upon Candlemas-day [2 February] I said Mass, we had 
been now four Months at Sea, were in 18 Degrees of North 
Latitude, and had left Cabo Verde astern; we had not sight of it, 
ñor of Cape St Antony. Our course was n.n.w. for we could not 
lie closer to the North. We had a new repetition of the King of 
France his designs against New Spain, and they said the River ot 
Píate was but weakly defended by us, and must be first secur'd. 
The Hugonot [Foran] took a Ship there some Years before, and 
after that another at the Island Santo Domingo, with only 25 
Men and a Boat ; he himself said it was a shame they sufFer'd 
themselves to be taken. 

22. On the 7th of February we found our sel ves without the 
Tropick of Cáncer ; the Wind carne about to East, and we stood 
three days due North : Our true Course was N.N.E. and so we 
wanted another Wind. We sail'd on in melancholy manner ; Job 
calis our Life, A Warfare upon Earth ; and we may properly cali 
it, A Voyage upon Sea. The World is call'd a Sea in Holy writ, 
and with good cause ; in it we see the furious Winds of several 
Vices which assault Man; Dangers, Rocks, on which great 
Vessels shipwrack daily, &c. This makes Man a Ship, and his 
Life a Voyage. This is so easily made out, it is needless to spend 
time about it, but <until I sail'd the Seas, it was not possible for 
me to understand the intolerable Labours of Seamen, ñor is it 
credible to him who has no Experience ofit; neither does such an 
one understand what is sufTer'd in a prolong'd Voyage, with 
Storms, contrary Winds, Want of Victuals, Drink and the Rest. 
Henee the Holy Spirit said, 'Who sails upon the Seas, he relates 
the Dangers thereof.' Which is to say, Let none that has liv'd but 
on Land set himself up to treat of the SufFerings endur'd at Sea, 
for this is the especial Right of those who have plough'd the 



Waters. Many men, as the saying goes, speak out from the Barriers, 
watching the Bull-fíght from behind the Boards, or from the 
Balcony, which is easy and pleasant. But thanks be to God, I can 
speak with some Experience of these Matters, for of Heat, Cold, 
Hunger and Thirst, I could write much ; of Imprisonments and 
Jails, not a little ; and upon the Matter of Navigation I may cast 
my Vote, for I have pass'd over twenty thousand Leagues of 
Water. [T 193]) 

23. During the remaining part of our Voyage we had sundry 
Winds, Rain, troublesom Seas, and cold enough ; the Seamen 
fell sick every day. Provisions fell short, we did not catch so much 
as a Fish-bone in a month. The Hugonot supply'd me, and all 
the sick, with every thing he had : This I was much edify'd at, 
and observ'd that others who were able did it not, tho they had 
so good an Example shown them. I divided among the Seamen 
the allowance of Brandy they gave me, and took care of their 
Souls, which was the main Point. It hap'ned more than once 
that two Men had to hold me fast whilst I adminstred the Sacra- 
ment of Extreme Unction to a third and yet I could scarce stand 
to do my Duty, the motion of the Ship was so violent. In 15 days 
time we carne out of Summer into sharp Winter; we ran into 46 
Degrees of Latitude which is the height of the English Channel. 
Then we fell again into 43 ; we steer'd directly East, and the 
North-wind carne up very furious, and held us eight days in the 
same place ; We reck'ned our selves within Cape Finisterre, and 
expected in a day more to reach Bordeaux; but the Weather 
continuing, and Men dying, it was resolved to put into Corunna. 
Having stood about, and sail'd half a day, about Night-fall we 
discover'd Cape Finisterre a League from us. It was resolv'd to 
pass on to Lisbon, the Wind was large, and we ran along the 
Coast very pleasantly. Next day an odd Accident well worth 
writing hap'ned : One that had been Purser was sick aboard, he 
had been put out of that Employment for his dishonesty, and 
conceiv'd such hatred against the Captain and Steward, that he 
said he would not forgive them. He was often advis'd at Mada- 
gascar, and by the way thence, to lay aside that Rancour; he 
would not. The Captain and Steward sent to let him know they 
0 363 


bore him no ill-will, that he might relent ; this avail'd nothing. I 
desir'd two ingenious Frenchmen to discourse him upon that 
Business, and advise him to confess himself, because his sickness 
was dangerous ; all to no purpose. I, with the little French I had, 
said all I thought convenient. He answer'd, when he carne to 
France he would do it. I told him, it was doubtful whether he 
would ever reach thither; he took no notice of it. One day they 
call'd me a sudden, telling me that young Man was dying. I carne 
as he was giving up the Ghost, he dy'd; and on a sudden the 
Wind chang'd and rose so high, that we had not seen the like all 
the Voyage ; the Sea flew up to the Clouds, such a Wave broke 
upon the Ship as frighted us all. All attributed it to the poor 
Wretch who had just died and so they threw the Body into the 
Sea as fast as they could, and it was strange that the Wind began 
to fall immediately, and carne about to the same Point where it 
was before. There was also a very remarkable alteration in Wind 
and Sea when the Heretick Director dy'd betimes in the Morning 
this side the Cape of Good Hope, I took particular notice of it. I 
had before told him my mind, offer'd him my service, he would 
not give ear, and went away to Hell. The Devils, it is likely 
rejoyced, which made that alteration we were sensible of. I rather 
took this Man for an Atheist, than a Heretick; he liv'd like a 
Beast, and drank like a Madman ; one Night he got up to drink, 
and instead of the Wine laid hold of the Ink-bottle, and drank a 
good deal ; it is likely it hurt his Stomach, and he was made ill of 

24. Eleven, or thirteen Seamen dy'd as I remember; they had 
received all the Sacraments, God be prais'd, which was my 
greatest comfort, and they dy'd well. On the i8th of March we 
anchor'd at Cascaes, sorne went ashore presently, and return'd at 
midnight with fresh Bread, Wine and Fruit. 1 I enter'd Lisbon 

1 On account of the Dutch war Colbert had the Aigk escorted from Lisbon to 
France (Kaeppelin, 38), where it arrived in August, 1672. Later still Carré, in 
Leghorn, heard how she had arrived 'laden with a rich cargo. She had been 
obliged to put into (Lisbon) as she had lost nearly all her crew from sickness. I was 
overjoyed at this news, as in France the ship was considered lost . . .' (Carré, 19). 
Navarrete now abandoned his intention of continuing to France to report to Colbert 
and others, as requested by Bishop Pallu. 



City, in Chínese dress, upon St Joseph's Day [19 March] at 
which I was well satisfy'd for I have a special Devotion to that 
saint — as we all should. A month earlier I had said I would be 
contení to land that day but later repented as then it had seem'd 
so long a time to wait ; but He, Who is, did arrange it so. 




1. I am satisfíed I have forgot several Particulars among such 
variety of Accidents I have seen in the course of so many Years. I 
omitted one remarkable thing concerning the Island Ceylon, 
which is a vast high Mountain, the Portugueses and others cali 
Pico de Adán, or Adam's Clift ; it ends above in a Point sharp 
to appearance, whither they say our first Parent ascended ; this is 
grounded on that Opinión which maintains that Paradise is 
there. The Beauty, Fruitfulness, and Pleasantness of the Place 
makes for it. They have less to show for it who place it in the 
Island Zibu, or that of the Ñame of Jesús, which is one of the 
Philippine Islands ; and I wonder some Authors have not placed 
it in China, for what was written of Paradise is much more easily 
to be realiz'd there. 

2. I writ nothing concerning Cambaya, a Kingdom subject to 
the Mogol, because I carne not into it. The Agate-stone is found 
there, and there is so much of it, so cheap, and so curiously 
wrought, sold at Suratte, that it is wonderful to behold. 

3. I reach'd Europe, after almost íifteen months sailing from 
China. I gave a larger turn about the World than Magellan, for 
he was neither at Coromandel, Suratte, ñor Madagascar; he 
return'd not to Europe as I have done, God be prais'd. I have 
been in all four parts of the World, for Madagascar, St Helena, 
and Ascensión, are parts of Africk. I have gone through such 
diversity of Climates, and tasted such variety of Water, Fruit, and 
other Food, that I believe few men can match me. It appears what 
Seas I have sailed, and now, lastly, going to Rome, and returning, 
I have travers'd the Mediterranean. One said, that the greatest 
Miracle God had wrought in small matters was the variety of 



Faces : I have seen such total diversity of different faces that I 
could safely wager few have seen more. In America, besides the 
Cachupines, which are those that go over from Spain, I have seen 
these several sorts of People, call'd Criollos, Mesticos, Casticos, 
Indians, Mulatoes, Cambahijos, Tornaatras and Tente enelayre. 1 
In the Philippine Islands there are still more mixtures, besides 
Foreign Nations. Afterwards I saw Chineses, Tartars, Japoneses, 
Tunquines, Cochinchineses, Cambosans, Siamites, Corians, 
Laos, Malayes, Mindanaos, Joloes, Zamboangas, Camucones, 
Javans, Sumatrans, Macasars, Solors, Borneans, Nicobars, 
Ceylonites, Nasingans, Malabares, Bengalans, Golcondars, 
Mogols, 2 Persians, Armenians and Turks. In Europe, Spaniards, 
French, Italians, English, Dutch, Flemings, Germans, Suissers, 
and Natives of Malta and Oran, and many others; and yet 
among them all never found two exactly alike. 

4. At Suratte there was an Ambassador from the Great Turk to 
the Mogol, a handsom and brave Youth; he and his Men did 
Wonders when Subagi attack'd that City, but neither he ñor the 
rest could prevent the plundering of that City by the Enemy. 

5. Since it pleas'd God to bring me safe off the Sea, and set me 
ashore in Europe, let us conclude the Voyage. The River up to the 
City of Lisbon, and higher, is one of the fínest in the World ; and 
were it as pleasant as that of Goa, all others must yield to it. The 
Palace is good, I was told it was built by Philip the Second, and 
so the Citadel. There I heard many things, which I think should 
lie bury'd in Oblivion, that future Ages may not have cause to 
condemn or rail at this. The City is very handsom, the Buildings 
low, Provisions plenty, the People courteous ; but all that have not 
been abroad imagine there is nothing in the World so good as in 
their Country ; a great Absurdity, which some are so far led away 
with, as even to conceit there is no good Wine in Spain. Our 
Monastery of St Dominick is celebrated. There at the entrance to 

1 Cachupines was a mestizo ñame for Spaniards in México, and means 'spur- 
boots'. Castifo means a child born in India to Portuguese parents (Dalgado, 1, 229). 
For Tente-en-el-aire, and others of the 'larga y ridicula clasificación of castes, see Riva 
Palacio, n, 472, 669, and also Leonard, 50-1. 

2 In Iberian writers Mogol or Mogor often means Hindostán or the territory of the 
Great Mogul (Hobsott'Jobson, 570). 



the Chappel is the magnificent Tomb of the most Venerable 
Father of the Spiritual Life, the Master Lewis of Granada, known 
in all the World for his Virtues and writings. It would take up 
a particular Volume to particularize with what Love, Kindness 
and Zeal those good Fathers entertain'd me : The most Reverend 
Fryar Peter de Magallanes [Pedro de Magalháes OP] President 
of the Inquisition, was wonderful kind to me. I visited the Count 
de Umanes [Baltasar de Humanes] then Ambassador there, saw 
his splendid Entry, and he bountifully assisted me toward my 
Journey to Madrid. At that time there were some Rumours about 
a War with Spain ; the Nobility were for it, saying, they should 
get their Bread that way. The People opposed it, and the Religious 
Orders more than the rest: Sermons were preach'd in several 
Monasteries against those restless Spirits. I heard the same in the 
Monastery of St Dominick; and the Professor Surero the King's 
Preacher, said, 'The Angels will fíght against us, because there 
is no Pretence to justify this War.' They told me the reason that 
convinced them : 'Father, the Controversy was, Whether Portugal 
belong'd to Castile, or not? No Man in this Kingdom ever said or 
imagin'd that Castile belong'd to Portugal ; then what Pretence or 
Reason is there to commence this War?' 

6. I was told several Expressions Preachers had us'd in the Pul- 
pits while the Wars lasted, and had before read some in a certain 
Author's printed Sermons. 1 One of our Dominican friars took 
too much liberty once in this particular, either in order to accom- 
modate himself to the rest or else sway'd by natural love for his 
Country. That Night our Provincial held a Chapter and said, 
'It is allowable we should wish to have a King of our own for 
several Reasons ; but it is unreasonable that any of us who have 
receiv'd such signal Favours from the Kings of Castile, should 
speak ill of them; and therefore I am so far from allowing of this 
that I will punish it severely.' For this Reason the Dominicans 
were suspected, because they did not rail but maintained a just 
Silence. Yet they easily clear'd themselves, and gave satisfaction. 

1 Probably a reference to the uninhibited Jesuit preacher Antonio Vieira, who 
was critical of the Dominicans and regarded Spain as the 'immiga irreconciliável' 
(Rodrigues, Historia, 111, pt. i, 398, 446; J. Azevedo, Historia de Antonio Vieira, 



7. I spent the Holy Week at Lisbon and lik'd it well ; visited the 
Sepulchers, which are very fine, that ofthe Dominicans is noble; 
I was at the celebrating ofthe Feast of St Peter Martyr [29 April], 
which was perform'd with magnifícence ; the Inquisitor-General, 
Duke of Aveiro, was present. 1 About the middle of May I set out 
for Madrid; <I travell'd from Monastery to Monastery of our 
Order along the way as far as Badajoz and was charitably enter- 
tain'd; there I receiv'd an Alms ofthe Lord Bishop and met up 
with a Cárter who brought me, Wet and Fine, Light, Dark, along 
with him on a Mulé. [C 602]) By the Way I heard many Stories 
that told against us Spaniards; I admir'd the Fort of Elvas and 
how the Work there daily advanc'd and was no less astonish'd 
that nothing was being done at Badajoz. 2 

8. In eleven Days I reach'd Madrid, the Court of our Kings, 
26 Years, and three Months, after I left Valladolid. Many things 
I saw and heard that surprised me but the World being change- 
able, Worldlings are so too. St Augustin says, 'He that knows 
thee not, loves thee ; but he that knows thee, hates thee.' 

9. My business belonging to the Court of Rome, I presently began 
to dispose of my Affairs to that end. I saw Letters at Lisbon and 
Madrid from Cardinal Barbarini, in which he desir'd some 
Information for the Holy Congregation concerning the Mission 
of China. I gave a short account of the most material Points, 
reserving the rest till my arrival at the Court of Rome. I set out in 
September folio wing [1672], with Letters from some great Men. 
At Carthagena I had the good fortune to wait upon the Dutchess 
of Osuna. Our Voyage was tedious and troublesom, we stay'd 
29 or 30 days at Cadaques. Don Pagano de Oria, who com- 
manded the Galleys for his Nephew, dy'd there ; he was a worthy 
Gentleman, I assisted him at his death. The pious Dutchess 
gave a very good Example on that Voyage in praying and be- 
stowing Alms. The Lady Elizabeth Formento a devout Matron, 

(Lisbon, 1920), 11, 341, 347; Vieira, Carias (Coimbra, 1926), II, 547; Barbosa 
Machado, 1,408-18). 

1 Pedro de Lencastre, 5th Duke of Aveiro, Archbishop of Sidonia, and 

2 The point of this remark is that these two frontier towns (Elvas on the Portu- 
guese side, Badajoz on the Spanish) had been the scene of a Spanish defeat in 1659. 



was with her and so the Great Cabin was like a Chappel, 
Prayers almost continual, and much frequenting of the Sacraments. 
10. We struck across the Bay with fair Weather, and were nobly 
receiv'd at Final [Finale Borgo] by the Duke, who there expected 
his Wife and Niece. 1 I went on to Genoa in one of the Galleys, 
without setting foot ashore. A few days after I went to Leghorn 
with good Company, but cold and foul Weather ; I carne thither 
sick, and was taken care of in the Hospital of St John of God, 
where I was look'd to with great assiduousness and charity. I 
carne to Rome with much difficulty on the Day of the Epiphany 

1673. Soon after there carne to my hands a considerable Alms sent 
me by Bill from Milán by the Duke of Osuna. I began to treat 
about my AfFairs, kiss'd his Holiness's Foot [Clement X] twice ; 
he entertain'd me with wonderful Goodness ; I was much edify'd 
at his great Humility, and the Poverty I saw in his little Room. 
On both occasions he granted me many Indulgences for myself 
relatives and others. I convers'd with some Cardinals, particularly 
Ottoboni, Bona, Maximis, Porto Carero; and lastly Cardinal 
Casanata. Cardinal Borromeo dy'd presently after my arrival, 
which troubled me much for the miss I had of him. I spent 
sixteen Months in the approving of the Propositions I deliver'd to 
the Congregation of Propaganda Fide; I gave in several Informa- 
tions, presented Manuscripts, translated Chínese Books by order 
of the Congregation. 2 They refer'd the Matter to the Inquisitors, 
and they to the Consultors and Qualificators. In fine, in March 

1674, by direction from the Holy Office, the Cardinals Bona and 
Casanata, met with the most Reverend Frier Lawrence [Brancati 
di] Lauria and Frier Cajetan Mirabol ; they debated the Points, 
and what the two most Reverend Fathers had decreed, which 
they approv'd and confirm'd, which set at ease and satisfy'd me, 
after I had gone through some Particulars, which I reserve for a 
proper time. 3 

1 Gaspar Téllez Girón (1625-94), Duke of Osuna, Marquis of Peñafiel, 
Governor of Milán. 

2 Part of the Controversias was also written in Rome (C 416). 

3 T 483-514 give the Dubia proposed for solution and Navarrete's comments 
thereupon. He also hoped for an annulment of the decree given to Martini in 1656 ; 
in this he was disappointed, and piqued (T466, 490). 


I674] ROME 

11. I had before urg'd strong Arguments and Reasons for the 
making one of my Order, who is a Native of China [Gregory Lo] 
into a Bishop, since the Bishop-Missioners who were at Siam 
could not get into China. All the Holy Congregation agreed to 
it. I also pressed for the confirming of the Bull of Urban VIII, 
which empowers Missioners to go to Japan and China from all 
Parts and by all Routes. 1 <This was done without its costing me 
more urging than the speaking of a Word with the Secretary of 
Propaganda Fide. [C 476] 2 > The Resident of Portugal 3 oppos'd 
this strongly alledging that all those Kingdoms belong to the 
Portuguese Conquests. Much may be said to this Point. The 
Portuguese will not be convinc'd : first, that Japan falls within the 
Limits assigned to the West-Indies, which is beyond all dispute. 
In the next place, till this time, they never made any Conquest 
there, and they will never do so in the future. 3. If once they get 
wind in those Parts that such a thing as 'Conquest' is being 
mention'd, they will not leave one European alive there. 4. That 
from Singapore upwards no part is or can be call'd EastTndia, 
as I have heard the Portugueses themselves own ; otherwise the 
Chineses, Japoneses, and other Nations, would all be Indians, 
which is not so. But the Designs and Motives of the Portuguese 
being in reality of another nature, there is no discussing it, as they 
themselves own. In short, Urban the Eighth, Alexander the 
Seventh, and Clement the Tenth, who now governs the Church, 
order'd that none shall prevent any Missioner and they lay heavy 
Censures upon those that shall obstruct their orders. But the best 
of it is, that I resided some time at Lisbon in view of all that 
Court, was known to be a Missioner of China, had several ques- 
tions put to me concerning that Country, particularly by the 
Inquisitor-General, Duke of Aveiro, and yet no body ever 
thought of mentioning this Point [the Portuguese 'monopoly' of 

1 A bull of Clement VIII {Onerosa pastoralis, 1600) had declared that friars might 
go to China ; this was confirmed and extended by Urban VIII (Ex debito pastoralis 
officii, 1633). This breaking of the Jesuits' monopoly was now confirmed by the 
brief obtained by Navarrete (Injuncti nolis, 23 December 1673) the text of which is 
givenin T 5 15-18. 

2 The Secretary was Federico Baldeschi Colonna, later Cardinal. 

3 Gaspar de Abreu de Freitas. 



China] to me ; and yet when I carne to Rome, the [Portuguese] 
Resident quarrel'd with me on account that we Spaniards go by 
the way of Manila into China, a thing ridiculous in it self ; I have 
said before this proceeded from other grounds. Cardinal Ottoboni 
several times told me, it was convenient I should return to China 
as Bishop of that Mission. I declar'd my opinión concerning it ; 
he threatned to have it forc'd upon me; which I dreaded, but 
prevail'd with him to desist from his Intent. <I excused myself 
again and again, and he asking me the reason for it, I anser'd and 
said, 'My Lord, because I have not the Strength to endure the 
Law-sutes and Oppositions of ***.' He arch'd his Brows, saying 
to me, 'What's this, your reverence is saying?' I reply'd, 'My 
Lord, if Your Eminence were to go to China yourself, you 
would not escape them.' 1 

Talking of those Bishop-Missioners who are in Siam and their 
Companions, some Secular Priests, they are all Men of known 
Virtue, very exemplary for Poverty, Humility and other Circum- 
stances of Edification, unblamable in their duty of Preaching the 
Gospel, which all that part of the World highly extols. 2 Neverthe- 
less, for their Good, and for that of others, God has given them 
certain opponents, who leave nothing that belongs to them which 
they do not bespatter. These give out that their Virtue is counter- 
feited so that they may lead the People after them, and in order to 
gain applause ; that they are Jansenists, and more to this effect. 3 
When I was discoursing concerning this matter with Cardinal 
Bona, whose Soul I hope is in Heaven, he was out of patience, 

1 A reference to the Jesuits and Portuguese. Navarrete's prophecy proved true : 
not even a red hat saved the Légate, Tournon, from detention in Macao where he 
eventually died. 

2 These were the French Vicars-Apostolic appointed by Propaganda Fide, 
whose presence in the East was resented by both the Portuguese and the Jesuits. 

3 Jansenism was a serious charge, equivalent in modern terms to an accusauon of 
'fellow-travelling'. It was alleged against Navarrete ('Ends', f. 46V. ; Cortés Osorio, 
149) and Bishop Pallu (C 625, 637). There is no evidence of Jansenism 
proper in the Spanish Church (R. Herr, The Eighteentb'Century Revolution in Spain 
(Princeton, 1958), 15-17) but the Jesuits found it a useful label to affix to their 
critics in Spain. Navarrete complained of those 'who go about the Tribunals dis- 
stributing little Scrols marked N. is a Jansenist and so is NN. The Jansenists triumph 
when they see blameless Churchmen accused of their Doctrine by Catholics' 
(C 634). 


I674] ROME 

and lifting up his eyes to Heaven, said to me, 'What ! to be poor ; 
to pray and to exhort the Faithful to do the same; to lead an 
exemplary Life; and to preach like the Apostles: is that Jan- 
senism? O, if we were all Jansenists after that Style the world 
would indeed be in another condition than we see it is !' 

In a letter from Manila on 3 ist May 1674 Friar Juan de los 
Angeles writ me as follows: 'Friar Raymund [del Valle] and 
Friar Francisco Varo say that when considering your Reverence's 
departure from China and your Journey, they are consol'd because 
they await some good Result of it, if your Reverence should come 
face to face with Father Prosper Intorceta in Rome. May our Lord 
grant it be so.' And Friar Varo writ him in a letter on 1 1 February 
1673, 'the departure of Friar Domingo Navarrete for Rome, I 
reckon to be more than necessary, for the good of Souls, and the 
Peace and Union of the Ministers of the Gospel in this Kingdom, 
because now there are in Rome Father Intorceta, learned in the 
Chínese Books, and Friar Navarrete, no less learned than he is in 
this. For nothing will ever be concluded in this Aífair unless two 
experienced Missioners, representatives of the two Religious 
Orders [Jesuits and Dominicans], meet before the Cardinals, 
there to dispute and argüe this Matter, the final Solution of which 
we long for so much.' 

And I was very desirous to have found in Rome Father In- 
torceta, a Sicilian who had been a Missioner in China with me, 
and my Companion in the Persecution and Banishment. But 
what I believe is that he, getting notice of my going thence to that 
Court, did set off immediately for France to carry Missioners to 
China. 1 ) 

12. At my departure from Rome, they search'd my Portmantua, 

1 T 92-3, 465-6; C 645; 'Ends', f. 46L In Genoa, on his way to Rome, 
friar Domingo visited the local Jesuits, and while there he met a Father from Macao 
(C 476). Navarrete apparently suspected, perhaps as a result of some dispute 
between them, that these Jesuits wrote to Rome, warning Father Intorcetta of 
Navarrete's impending arrival there. But it seems improbable that Intorcetta fled, as 
suggested here; he was, no doubt, anxious to return to the mission with his 
volunteers and already sufficiently depressed by his failure to make any impact on 
the Curia, a failure of which he was acutely aware and over which he brooded for 
years (Verbiest, 351). He later wroteareply to Navarrete (Pfister, 326). 



found 3000 Medals given me by the Holy Congregaron of Pro- 
paganda and Cardinal Portocarero ; they told me, I must pay so 
much Duty for them. This provok'd and anger'd me ; I answer'd, 
they were given me for Charity, as in truth they were, that I 
would pay nothing, they might take them if they pleas'd, and I 
would go complain to the Cardinal-Nephew [Altieri]. With 
that they let me pass. I was told there, that searching the Wallets 
of a Religious of the Order of St John of God, they found in them 
a new pair of Shoos ; and because all new things pay, they made 
him pay Duty for them; he went out again within a few days, 
without having worn the Shoos ; they found them, and made him 
pay the Duty over again. Were this known in China, the Mogol's 
Country, or other of those Parts, they would say we were the 
worst People in the World. I had Company with me ; the Boat- 
men did not fail of playing us Pranks, and we had bad Weather. 
We carne first to Civita Vecchia, thence to Leghorn, and very 
leasurely to Genoa, where we waited eight days for Shipping. We 
were there on the Feast of Corpus Christi ; I admir'd that the Cross 
of every Brotherhood had its Mark of Distinction ; that of the 
Bakers had Loaves ; that of the Fishermen, Fishes ; that of the 
Pastry-Cooks, Saucidges, &c. I saw the Church of Annunciata, 
a beautiful Piece ; but he who has seen St Peter's at Rome, and 
the rest ofthe Churches ofthat City, admires at none: Every time 
I went into St Peter's which was often, I was amaz'd at its Beauty 
and Greatness, and my Heart rejoyc'd in me. In Rome I visited 
the Seven Churches, saw the Holy Places, variety of Relicks, the 
Vatican, some Palaces, Cavalcades, and other things needless to 

1 3 . After 8 days stay at Genoa I went aboard an English Pink 
with some other Spaniards. I agreed for my Diet, and a place in 
the great Cabin at an easy Rate. I liv'd well enough, the Master 
and the Mate were very civil, they had no more Officen. We sailed 
upon our Broadside five days, the Wind being at North-East ; my 
Companions were wonderful Sea-sick, I have been free from it 
for many Years. In the Afternoons the Seamen had such ridiculous 
Sports as made us almost burst with laughing. The eighth day we 
landed at Alicant ; some of us took up in certain Waggons, in 


1674 [l677] MADRID 

which we carne leisurely, and indifferent easy. I was amaz'd to 
see so much Desert-Country, and so bare of Food that we could 
scarce get Bread. <Oh, who doubts the woes and miseries of our 
Spain? Who is there that does not weep over them? What 
Nation but knows them well and has them considered? Who is 
unaware of the misfortunes of these Years? For they grieve all 
Men. [C 625]) At Albacete I paid a Duty on my Portmantua, 
which was the fírst time I had done that in all my Travels. I carne 
to Madrid upon Midsummer-day in the Year 1674, and there I 
paid a quarter of a Piece of Eight, and they would have had more, 
tho I had nothing but Papers, Medals and two oíd dirty Shirts. 
The Clerk demanded a Ryall for his signature, I gave him four 
Quartos; he said an Ochavo was lacking. I had none at hand 
and gave him an Indulgence Medall saying 'This is worth more.' 
But the oíd Fellow had an air of preferring his Ochavo to any four 
Medalls. Good God ! What People they are, and yet they say the 
Chineses are covetous ; they who are Strangers to our Proceedings 
may say so, but not they that are acquainted with them. 

<A11 the City, I found, was in Confusión; many Men were 
perplexed and the majority were made fearful by the dark Clouds 
dayly looming up and publick Prayers were being offer'd for the 
Peace, Quiet and Tranquility of the Kingdom. God takes Pity 
on Spain, shewing unto her a Merciful Heart, and His Divine 
and Special Providence, granting the Glorious Prince [Don John 
of Austria] to come to this Court of Spain to make good so much 
Damage and amend so many patent Errors. I reflected, and with 
great Reason, upon this Occasion, that the coming of his High- 
ness (whom God preserve !) to the side of our King and Lord, 
charles 11, for his Comfort and for the increase of his King- 
doms, had been miraculous. Who was there at that time that did 
not fear that the Ship of Spain would sink buífeted by Contrary 
Winds? Who that did not fear some Calamity in view of the 
many storm Clouds dayly rising both over this Court and in 
other Parts? All was agitation, all was Gloom, all was Fear, and 
such Confusión predict'd an untoward Outcome. And tho his 
Majesty's Loyal Subjects row'd with all effort, yet the Tempest did 
not cease. Then in the East, a fair Planet that seem'd resting in 



Sleep, did stir. Just then, the wind of Confusión seem'd to be 
rising worse, but when this Planet unexpectedly arriv'd, upon a 
Saturday, the day dedicated to the shining Star of the Sea, mary, 
behold there was made a great Peace. 1 The Heavens suddenly 
clear'd; the Clouds dissolved all away; the Court was quieted; 
Hearts were calm'd, enjoying a tranquility that carne of a sudden, 
and expect'd by but few. All Men wonder and ask, 'Who is this 
that rules the Hearts of Spain? Who holds the Will of all Men? 
Who, when absent, arouses aífectionate Yearnings and who, 
when present, causes Joy, Pleasure, Peace, Calm, and Rest?' He, 
who is great, works these Wonders and brings Happiness to his 
Subjects ; he, who is generous, magnanimous, and zealous, who 
watches vigilantly for the Welfare of the Commonweal. There's 
Matter and Occasion here for a great Book, but my Pen is too 
rough for such a Subject and thus I leave this Point to those more 
learned and gifted. [C 614]) 

14. Soon afterwards at Madrid I heard News from China, by 
Letters from thence, and from the Philippine Islands. 2 I under- 
stood that the Missioners were restor'd to their Churches, but upon 
condition they should not preach the Word of God ; and the 
Natives were forbid to imbrace it, which is a great trouble, but it 
may mend by degrees, on account of the Chineses dependence on 
the Mathematicks, but I could wish it were upon some better 
Motive. I was also inform'd that the English have settled a 
Factory in the Island Hermosa, and that the Chínese that is Lord 

1 In the Catholic calendar, Saturday is our Lady's day. This is a reference to 
Saturday 23 January 1677, when Don John of Austria entered Madrid to take over 
the government ; there was widespread fear that his arrival would provoke civil war 
and his pacific entry delighted the people. Navarrete's praise was written a few 
months after this event, when high hopes were still entertained of Don John's 
ability to save the country. 

2 Excerpts at C 667-8 ; 'Ends', 43r. The writers complain of continued Jesuit 
opposition to the entry of friars into China. At the end of the persecution one of the 
friars, Varo, was not named in the list of liberated prisoners; the Jesuits at court 
promised to intercede for him but he carne to suspect that nothing was being done. 
The local Mandarín eventually released him, arranging for him to lodge in Father 
Gouveia's house, 'which', reponed Varo, 'was far from agreeable to that Father: 
thus he regretted it because I stayed ; and I, because I could not leave' (CASA 
1074, ff. 298-9; but cf. the Jesuit versión ofthe affair in Pfister, 222, 348). Similar 
allegations in C 101-2, 419 ; AME 121, ff. 236-8 ; SinFran m, 100. 



of it design'd to have made War upon Manila, but desisted at the 
perswasion of his Mother. The Cause that mov'd him to have 
thoughts of War, was, that at Manila they apprehended a Captain 
of his, whom they took in the Act of Sodomy. The Chínese being 
inform'd of it, writ to the Governor, and sent a Present, desiring he 
would send him the Criminal, and he would punish him. The 
Governor answer'd, 'That it was an AfFair which the Court of 
Justice took cognisance of, and he had nothing to do with', and 
return'd no Present, which the other highly resented. The Dutch 
ofTer'd the Governor thirty Ships to assist him against the Chínese, 
and what else he wanted, but he accepted of nothing. He after- 
wards sent Don Francis Enriquez de Losada his Ambassador to 
the Island Hermosa, and they were made Friends. From thence 
Don Francis, who is my particular Friend, went over to Macao : 
Among other News he carry'd from thence to Manila, one piece 
was, that some Religious of the Order of St Francis coming to 
that City in order to pass over into China, certain Churchmen 
hindred them and to that purpose show'd the Captain-General 
[of Macao] a Letter of King Philip the Second, ordering it so to 
be done. However the Captain-General would neither see ñor 
hear, and the Franciscans went over ; so that the Laity does not 
obstruct the Missioners, but Clergymen do. (But the Letters I 
receiv'd this Year say, those Franciscan Religious did not get into 

15. Supposing it be true that Philip the Second gave such 
Orders, three Popes afterwards commanded the contrary, so what 
signifys that Letter to Macao, which anyway is not now under our 
Spanish Government? 

16. Don Francis in another Letter of his from Siam, among 
other things has these words: 'The King [Narai] did me the 
favour to show me the white Elephant, and I did not imagine he 
would have appear'd in such rich Trappings; before him went 
above 600 Men as his Guard, all with several Weapons; after 
them the white Elephant under a Canopy of Crimson-Velvet, 
the Rods that held it up all cover'd with Plates of Gold ; the 
Elephant had about his Body Diamonds, Pearls, Rubíes and 
Emrauds, they seem'd to be well worth two Millions. He is one 



of the haughtiest and mightiest Kings, not only in this Archi- 
pelago, but in the whole World. He calis himself God, none of 
his Subjects must see, or look at him, upon pain of Death. None 
that does not see, can believe with how great Pomp he goes 
abroad. Your Reverence is acquainted with these Affairs, but 
those who are strangers to them will believe it false.' 1 

17. For my part I believe it all. As for the Embassy, Don Francis 
affirms he stood out, and would not deliver his Message barefoot, 
as all other European Ambassadors have done ; he went in shod, 
so that it remains as a Precedent for the Spaniards. And for all 
this King's Pride, we see that for his prívate Interest and Advan- 
tage, he submits to pay Tribute to the Emperor of China, which 
is very base and mean. 

18. He calis himself a God, which is not rare among the Kings in 
those parts where there are many Nebuchadnezzars. The King 
of Candía, who is Lord of Ceylon, and who has not the 20th 
part of the Greatness of him of Siam, has most lofty Titles and 
Epithets. But he that outdoes all the rest in this particular, is the 
great Mogol, King of Kings, Lord of Heaven and Earth, Al- 
mighty, and many other Titles he assumes; and all their Pains, 
Diseases, and SufFerings, cannot undeceive them, ñor even Death 
which they see has taken off their Predecessors. But how can the 
Understanding be free from dismal Darkness, when it wants the 
supernatural Light? The Chínese Emperor ever was, and is, 
more modest and humble, tho his Subjects extol him above the 

1 Narai (1657-88) was friendly to the missionaries but his successor, P'ra 
P'etraja, was not and in 1688 persecution began (F. J. Montalbán, Manual de 
historia de las misiones (Bilbao, 1952), 515 ; A. Launay, Histoire genérale de la Société 
des MissionS'Étrangéres (Paris, 1894), I, 345 ff- ; and W. A. R. Wood, A History of 
Siam (Bangkok, 1933), 212, 216-18). 




1. After putting an end to my Travels, I have remembred some 
Passages that will suffice to make up another Chapter; and I 
doubt not but if I would give my self time to reflect upon what I 
have seen, I might find matter to dilate even further upon. (Since 
because it is China that all my thoughts are bent upon, I cannot 
chuse but return to it, tho' at present it shall be very briefly. 
[T 4 42]> 

2. I spoke something of the Civility, Modesty, and good Be- 
haviour of the Chínese Soldiery ; and considering the Experience 
I had of it, I might well have enlarg'd upon the Subject. Me- 
thinks the Chineses observe what the Emperor Aurelianus writ 
to one of his Lieutenants : 'Friend, says he, if you would be a 
good Commander, and desire to live, keep your Soldiers within 
bounds: I will not have the Country-man complain, that a 
Chicken or a Bunch of Grapes is forcibly taken from him ; I will 
cali them to account for a Grain of Salt, or drop of Oil, they have 
unjustly made use of. I will have my Soldiers grow rich with the 
Spoils of their Enemies, not with the Tears and Sweat of my 
Subjects. I will have them wear their Riches on their Backs, not 
lavish them in Taverns ; I will have them chaste in their Quarters, 
and no Complaints come against them.' St Lewis King of France 
could not have given better Instructions to those that serv'd in his 
Armies. Marcus Scaurus writes, that he saw numbers of Soldiers 
lying under a great Tree loaded with Fruit, and none of them 
stretch'd out his hand to gather an Apple. Ñor will that be 
thought strange which Lampridius writes of Alexander Severus, 
that the Soldiers march'd to the Persian War as if they had been 
Senators, and that the Country peopie lov'd them as if they had 

p 379 


been their Brothers, and honour'd the Emperor as a God. All this 
I saw in effect practis'd in China; when five, or six, or more 
Companies carne into a Town, it is no otherwise than if half a 
dozen honest known Guests were coming ; no Man is disturb'd, 
no body is in a Consternation, or hides, as we see they do in other 
parts where they are under greater Ties. Many Men seem to 
perswade themselves, that the Day they are listed and appear in 
Arms, they are to lay aside all Christianity ; this we daily see there 
is no denying of it. 

3. Punishment is very material, every man's Chin trembles when 
he knows for certain there is no Pardon. The Chineses make good 
use of this Method. Complaint was made at Fo Ngan, that some 
Soldiers had stole a Hen ; the Captain who liv'd near the Church, 
inquir'd into the Matter, and gave the Signal that he would sit to 
try it. I presently went up into a Garret, the Window whereof 
overlook'd all the Court-yard, and part of the Room where he 
sate in Judgment ; I stood a while to observe what was done, tho 
somewhat back that I might not be seen : There was no hearing 
what they said, but the result of it was, that they stretch'd out a 
Soldier upon his Face in the Court-yard, and laying his Thighs 
bare, began to bastinado him with thick Cudgels, that I wonder 
they did not kill him : It made my Heart ake, and I observ'd that 
after one Blow was given, till the other fell, that Wretches flesh 
shook so that it was terrible to behold. I went down immediately, 
having no Heart to see that cruel Execution. Who will daré to 
ofFend, seeing such Punishments? 

4. It is usual about the beginning of August to have a terrible 
storm of East-Winds on the Coast of China, which the Portu- 
gueses and others cali Tufon [Typhoon], a corruption of the 
Chínese ñame Tung Fung, that is, Easterly Wind. The Seamen 
dread it, and always endeavour to get into, or reach, Harbour 
before it comes. It sometimes reaches as far as Manila, the Indians 
cali it Baguio. I have felt it, and indeed it is terrible, and does much 
hurt among Buildings, Sugar-Canes, and other Products of the 
Earth. 1 Here at home I have read that of late Years these Storms 

1 For the etymology of the word 'typhoon', see Hobsoti'Jobson, 947 ; for the 
Philippine baguios, see Schurz, 217. 



have decreas'd and lessned ; but those who live in those Parts had 
had no notice of this decrease apparently, for I have discours'd 
Spaniards and Portugueses about these Tufons, and could never 
fínd there was any alteration in them. There is no necessity of 
multiplying Miracles, or attributing them to any body without 
Cause. 1 

5. The Kingdom of Cochinchina lies betwixt Tunquin and 
Champa ; the Country is good, and abounds in Silk ; they trade 
from thence to Manila, whither they carry Curiosities from Japan, 
those People having a Trade there. They have also sail'd thither 
from Manila; sometimes they have made good Returns, and 
other times through the prívate Fancies of some Men have lost all. 
The Soldiery of this Kingdom is the best in all those Parts, is 
well-disciplin'd, and the King keeps 40000 Men at Court who 
most days shoot at a Mark and those that aim best are rewarded 
with pieces of Silk. I have several times heard Spaniards and 
Portugueses say, they are all excellent Marks-men; and that the 
words of Judges 20. 16. cannot be better applyed to any People in 
the World than to those of Cochinchina. This is the Reason they 
have always the better in their continual Wars with the King of 
Tunquin, tho this last exceeds the other in all respects, not only 
in number of Men, but in Wealth, and the multitude of Elephants 
he carrys to War. They have also many light Galleys, with which 
they do Wonders in the great River that runs up to the Court. 
There is no doubt but the Europeans have furnish'd that and 
other powerful Kingdoms, having provided them Fire-Arms, 
Cannon and Gunners. There is at present in Cochinchina, a 
half-Black of Portuguese Breed, who in my time was made Knight 
of the Order of Christ ; he is an able Officer, an excellent Founder, 
and very curious at making Chain-Bullets, and other warlike 

6. The Kingdom of Camboxa [Cambodia] lies more to the 
South in the Latitude of Manila, and therefore, as Authors write, 
the People are less warlike ; and as daily Experience shows, they 

1 A reference to the popular legend that the China Sea typhoons were never as 
violent after St Francis Xavier sailed over those waters. For denying this Navarrete 
was denounced as a 'Judas' (Cortés Osorio, 118), and defended himselfat C 661. 



have but little Blood, and are afraid to lose it. That King is not so 
well armed as others. Manila has always had a Trade with that 
Country, which has excellent Timber for Shipping. Some years 
since the people of Manila built one there which was famous, and 
the memory of that 'Ship of Camboxa' lasts to this very day. 
Another was built in my time, but perish'd unfortunately. It has 
often been argued at Manila, whether it be more advantageous to 
build Shipping in our Islands, or in Foreign Kingdoms, Cam- 
boxa, Siam, &c. I have heard Arguments on both sides, and read 
printed Memorials upon the Subject at Madrid : It is not easy to 
decide. 1 Those that are for building abroad favour the Indians, 
tho some will not have it so. Certain it is, they that do not groan 
under the Labour, do not like it ; I do not design to concern my 
self with these Affairs, but it can be no harm to repeat what 
others say. I often heard it said, by a Person of Judgment and 
well-meaning, that the best way was to buy Ships of the English 
or Portugueses of those Countries, who build good ones and so 
strong, that they sail them into Europe. I must confess I saw an 
English Frigat of 40 Guns at Malaca, and was a good while 
aboard it with some Portugueses ; it might appear with credit any 
where, it carried 40 Guns, and the Captain did assure me it did 
not cost full 8000 Pieces of Eight. The Ship, which in the Year 
1665 was forced from Macao to Manila, and so much com- 
mended by all Men at the Port of Cavite because of its goodness, 
was taken by the Governor Don John de Salcedo to sail to 
Acapulco, had been built at Goa, and cost not 7000 Pieces of 
Eight; I sail'd in it four months, which is enough to know 
whether it was good : And if every Ship were to cost Manila ten 
or twelve thousand Pieces of Eight, it were too cheap. I did not 
mention Camboxa to this purpose, tho I am not sorry it carne into 
my mind ; my design was to give an account that [at Angkor] 
sixty Leagues up the River [Mekong] beyond the Court [Udong] 
there are certain beautiful Buildings, with the most curious Work- 

1 On the problem of ship-building in the Philippines, see Schurz, 193-200. On 
Navarrete's references to the 'Cambodia ship', see C. R. Boxer and B. P. Groslier, 
Angkor et le Camhoige au xvi e stécle d'aprés les sources portugaises et espagnoles (Paris, 
1958), 126. 



manship imaginable; the Relation of their Excellency and Per- 
fection which was brought to Manila astonish'd all Men. I sent 
that which I had from Don Francis Enriquez de Losada into 
Spain as a Rarity, there is no inserting of it in this place. The 
Work, some say, was done by the Jews, others that it is Román : 
Some will have it to be the Work of Alexander the Great, who 
they fancy travelled thus far, and order'd that stately Palace to be 
built as a Memorial to Posterity of his being there. 1 It consists of 
Square Courts and Cloisters, as they are in fashion at present, but 
no part is without fine Mouldings and Carvings, it is the Aran- 
juez of those Kings. 2 When Don James de Losada went over 
thither to build the Ship I said was cast away, the King [Barom 
Reachea VI; 1642-58] was there taking his Pleasure, and there- 
fore the Spaniards went up thither and saw this Wonder. Above 
it is the large Kingdom of the Laos, a Country abounding in 
Musk, Civit, Frankinsense, Benjamín and Storax, which Com- 
modities they carry to Manila, and thence they are sent into 
New Spain. The Country swarms with People ; on the West it 
borders upon Siam, on the North it draws near to the Kingdom 
of Tibet ; North-west of it is Bengala, and then it stretches a little 
up to the Mogol's Dominions; lower is Narsinga, but at a 
considerable distance. 

7. I have writ something concerning the Kingdom of Siam ; it is 
certainly very great and powerful, and crossing it by Land you 
come to Tanassary [Tenasserim], a famous Port of great Trade; 
they that take this way need not come within many Leagues of 
Malaca or Sincapura, the way is shorter and saves much Sea. 
They travel in Carts about twenty days Journey, and go in 
Caravans, but seldom lie in any Town. At night they endose 
themselves with their Carts and Blankets, to keep off the many 
Elephants there are about the Fields. And tho that Defence would 
avail but little should any Elephant attack it, yet it serves to scare 

1 The buildings, as they stood in their splendour, were described by a Chínese 
visitor, Chou Ta-kuan, as early as the thirteenth century. 

2 Aranjuez was a summer palace of the Spanish kings, started by Philip II, and 
famous for the beauty of its buildings and gardens. To maintain a rural atmosphere 
it was forbidden to build or Uve near there unul the middle of the eighteenth 



them so that they do not gather near it ; thus Men and Beasts lie in 
safety. At Tenasarim there are always Vessels to go over to Coro- 
mandel, Bengala, and other Parts; this is a convenient way for 
those that have not much Baggage. The chief thing the Moors 
deal in from that part is Elephants, they are cheaper than those of 
Ceylon, but not so noble. 

8. Frier Letona, cap. 2. n. 26 speaking ofthe Gulph of Sinca- 
pura, in his 'Description ofthe Philippine Islands', says, it is the 
way to the Gulph of Goa, the Court of India: A very improper 
expression, for there is no such thing as a Gulph of Goa (though 
Gulphs of Bengala and Ceylon there are) and that City is seated 
almost in the midst ofthe Coast of Malabar, which stretches out 
North and South from Cape Comorin to Suratte. 1 North-west of 
Suratte is the Kingdom of Cambaya [Cambay], Tributary to the 
Mogol, where there is abundance of Agate : abundance of it is 
wrought at Suratte, and very cheap, as I observ'd before. At 
Macasar I read in a Spanish Book call'd 'Prado Espiritual', written 
by Santoro, that the íirst Velvet ever was seen in Europe, carne 
from this Kingdom. 2 In the time ofthe Román Power that King 
sent a Present, and among other things, some Pieces of Velvet up 
the Gulph of Persia, and thence by Land, which was easy enough ; 
the way is well known. 

9. As to Philip the Second of Spain's Letter, which I said was 
shown to the Captain General of Macao, forbidding any Body 
from the Philippine Islands to pass that way into China; I say 
they cannot make use of it, for as much as Pope Urban the 
Eighth publish'd his Bull some Years since at Macao, forbidding 
any Person under heavy Censures to hinder Missioners from going 
into China and other Parts, what way soever they could find out. 
Is the Papal Bull obligatory or not? If Obligatory it takes ofF all 
dependence on that Letter, if not we must have recourse to the 
Supreme Judg [the Pope], I did so, and Clement the Tenth, who 
now governs the Church, confírm'd the said Bull in all its Parts ; 

1 Friar Bartolomé de Letona, OFM, was a contemporary of Navarrete in the 
Philippines (Streit, v, 292, 330; Blair, luí, 120). 

2 J. B. Santoro, a sixteenth-century Spanish writer, author of Prado espiritual de 
Sopbronio (Saragossa, 1578), a work which went into four editions subsequently. 



if this be not enough, we must bear our Neighbours Adversity 
with patience. And to take away all colour of Authority from that 
Letter of Philip the Second I will here insert what Philip the 
Fourth in his Councils of Portugal and India decreed, in 23 
January 1632. 1. That in regard the Right and Duty of preaching 
and dilating the Gospel is common to all the Faithful, and par- 
ticularly recommended to Religious; therefore the Missions of 
Japan and China are not to be confin'd to the Jesuit Fathers 
alone, but all Orders have liberty to go thither, and get in the best 
they can, particularly those who have been allow'd to go over to 
the West-Indies and have Monasteries there. 2. That they go not 
only by way of the East, but of the West-Indies, within whose 
Limits Japan and the Philippine Islands are, and which is the 
most convenient Passage for the Religious of Castile. There 
follow nine other Heads, which in effect Pope Urban mentions 
in his Bull of 1633. So that the prohibition of any others going to 
Japan except the Jesuits, and that by way of the East-Indies, is 
taken off by the Pope, the King and Council of Portugal. The 
same for China and other Kingdoms. 

10. There are some things to be observ'd in the Description of 
Manila, and other Islands in that Sea, written by Frier Letona, 
whom I knew and convers'd with at Manila. Tho this Father 
was curious in observing and enquiring, yet he never going fur- 
ther than Manila, could not be an Eye-witness of what he says, 
ñor be exact in all things. 

11. He made no mention of the Island Amboyna, famous for its 
Cloves; ñor of that of Bima, which is near it, and considerable; 
and so of others towards Solor and Timor. The Dutch are strong 
at Amboyna, which falls on the back of Macasar, and have 
engross'd to themselves all its Trade of Cloves. Not long before 
my coming to Macasar, the Sumbane and Prince Carroro had 
been with 40000 Men to ruin the Dutch at Amboyna. The 
Secretary Francis Méndez Knight of the Order of Christ, a good 
Christian, and akin to the Sumbane, assur'd me, he had made 
so great a progress, that the Dutch had abandon'd their Works, 
and betaken themselves to their Vessels to go off. At the last 
Attack, however, the Mahometans fell to drinking and to holding 



Debates and Confabulations 1 (as they cali it) at which the Dutch 
took heart, return'd to their Works, and being encourag'd by the 
Enemies Folly and Weakness got the better of them, they returning 
with shame to Macasar when they had been at an incredible 
Expense. The Secretary much lamented the Defeat of that 
Expedition, which had been very heroick and advantageous to the 
Mahometan, and perhaps had prevented his falling a vassal in the 
hands of the Dutch, as happen'd in the Year 167o. 2 
12. Frier Letona, n. 5, writes, that within the Archbishoprick of 
Manila, there were certain Heathen Blacks, Natives of the Island, 
unconquer'd, call'd Zambales, and very barbarous. I said some- 
thing of them before, they are most expert Archers; but they de- 
ceiv'd him who said they were the same as the Zambales, for these 
Zambales are mortal Enemies to the Blacks, and much dreaded 
of them. There are very good Christians among them; their 
Towns are on the Skirts of the Mountains, to hinder the Blacks 
from coming at the Towns of the Indians. For these and other 
Reasons, the Zambales are exempt from Contributions and 
personal Duty ; they pay their Taxes in Silver, not in specie. The 
Blacks have friz'd hair like the Cafres, the Zambales have not, ñor 
is it possible to subdue them, tho 100000 Men were gather'd to 
that purpose. 1. Because the Mountains are inaccessible, and so 
thick wooded, that unless the Shelter be destroy'd, neither 
Spaniards ñor Indians can advance a step, and the Blacks run in 
and out at every hole like Hares. 2. Because they standing behind 
the Trees with their Arrows, shoot as many as they please without 
being seen, by reason their Colour cannot be distinguish'd from 
that of the Tree. If the Indians and Zambales go into the Moun- 
tains, they have generally the worst of it, and therefore they en- 
deavour to catch the Blacks in open Fields, but it is no easie 
matter. I knew them sometimes at Peace, and sometimes at War 
with the Indians ; when they were at Peace, whole Troops of them 

1 Bichara (see p. xc above), from Sanscrit vichara, is wrongly defined by Alonso 
as albricias; in fact is means a parley, discussion, or debate: cf. Portuguese bichara 
and Dutch bitjara. 

2 The Dutch werein control ofMacassar by 1668. For a brief survey of the struggle 
for the Spice Islands, see W. H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb (London, 
1923), 21-6. 



would come down to the Towns, we gave them Tobacco, Rags 
and Wine, which pleas'd them very much, and some of them 
help'd the principal Indians in their Tillage. We admir'd to see 
them so fat, tall and strong, whereas they eat nothing but wild 
Mountain Roots, some Fruit and raw Flesh, without any Cloth- 
ing but their Skin, or any other Bed but the Ground. 

13. Every one of them has certainly his Bow and Arrows, the 
Bow is as long as he that uses it, they make them of a Palm-tree as 
hard as Iron ; the String is made of the Barks of Trees, so strong 
that nothing can out-do them. Besides the Bow they use another 
little Iron Weapon, broader than ones hand, and Pitcher-shap'd, 
it is a quarter of a Yard long ; the handle is very fine and they said 
they made it of burnt Oysters and Snails ; it look'd like delicate 
Marble. This Weapon serves them near at hand, with it they cut 
off a Man's Head at the mouth very cleverly. All the People along 
those Mountains, as far as New Segovia, valué a Scull mightily to 
drink out of, so that he who has most Sculls is the bravest and 
noblest among them ; and they go out to cut off Heads only for 
this honour, without any other prospect. In some places they make 
use of the Teeth of those Heads they cut off, stringing and making 
Garlands of them to wear on their Heads ; he that has most is best 
look'd upon. There are a great many People on the Mountains of 
Orion, upon the Bay of Manila, but they are peaceable; all 
the time I was there, they never did the least hurt. I saw some 
Companies of them and I remember particularly one Oíd Man, 
of whom I made much, rather out of fear than love; I laid my 
Hand on his Back, and it felt like an Ass, it was so rough and 

14. N.12. Frier Letona makes the Mouth of the Bay at the Island 
call'd Marivelez, four Leagues wide; it has two Mouths, but 
neither of them a League over. The little Mouth is widest, because 
the Land lying low the Water spreads, but it has not much depth. 
The great one is very deep, but not above half a League over. All 
Men complain that a Fort has not been built on that Island, to 
secure the two Channels against the attempts of Enemies; if 
Cannon were planted there, no Ship could escape through with- 
out being hit. Those Channels lie open to any Invader to possess 



himself of Pampanga, and other Provinces, without the least let 
from Cabite, or Manila; and thence they may cross the Lake, 
ravage the whole Island, and seize all Provisions. I ask'd a Major, 
why a thing of that consequence was not minded? He made me 
the usual answer, that it was 'because they took no care of the 
Publick Good'. 

15. Among some reflections made upon a Memorial presented at 
Madrid some years since, I saw a Note made by some one who 
had been in the Islands ; and having nothing to answer or object 
to one point, he says, 'Religious think they are doing nothing, 
unless they intrude and act themselves up to govern all.' This is an 
excellent method to discredit in advance all they may write or 
propose; and yet who could be more free, plain and unbiass'd 
than the Religious in proposing to his Majesty what is for the 
good of his Subjects? A great Plague has fallen upon the Indians, 
which is, that no notice is taken of what their Spiritual Fathers 
advise for their good. The best of it is that no sooner is any thing 
writ against a Religious but it is believed on the spot or at least 
care is taken to enquire whether it be true or not. It hapned in my 
time at Manila, that a Governour was accus'd, and heinous things 
laid to his charge ; yet for all that, it was resolv'd he should con- 
tinué and govern out his time, and the accusation be dealt with 
later when he gave an account of his Office. On the other hand, 
complaint was made, I know not for what, of a grave Religious 
of a certain Order, and immediately they sent and seiz'd all he had, 
took him out of the Monastery, and carry'd him fifty Leagues off. 
Now I do not argüe whether the Crime objected was great or not ; 
but supposing it to be such, had that Frier no Superiors? Must the 
Secular Power immediately take action, without granting him a 
hearing, or finding any Politick excuse to delay the matter, as they 
did about the Governour? Yes, Sir, and because they look upon 
this as Zeal and Diligence in the King's Service ! Likewise they 
put a good Clergyman (for whom Don Sabiniano Manrique de 
Lara had a great respect) into Irons in a trice and banish'd him 
the Islands, in the sight of many Infídels. What Opinions can 
those Heathens have of a Priest so banish'd by the Laity? I will 
say no more of it here, because I will not 'set myself up to govern' ; 


but I could justly complain of one, who writ scandalously against 
Frier Victorio Riccio, to whom those Islands are more beholden 
than to all that are or have been there. 

16. Frier Letona, N.14., makes a distinction betwixt the going 
out to Sea at Marivelez for New Spain, and that for Terranate, 
N.17., but I can see no reason for it; the season is different, but 
nothing else. For that reason the Ships that go to New Spain, 
stand out to Sea towards the Island Luban, in order to sail away 
thence with the Trade-wind to the Anchoring-place. This could 
not be done in going to Terranate, because the Winds at that 
time come oíf the Land, and therefore they coasted hard upon a 
Bowling along the shore of Balagán, that they might not fall 
away to Leeward. Ñor is Luban seventeen Leagues from Mari- 
velez, as he says ; in my opinión it is not above twelve, for I sail'd 
it in December between Sun-rising and Three in the Afternoon. 

17. He mentions other things which happen'd some time after 
the said Father was gone from Manila. He is much in the right 
as to what he says concerning Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, 
and more might have been added. I am of opinión that Noble 
Gendeman's great respect to the Church and its Ministers was the 
cause why God bless'd him there, and sent him home safe to his 
Country. He gave an excellent example in these and many other 

18. It is to be observ'd, as I have been inform'd from credible 
Persons, that ever since Don Sabiniano's ship landed at Cavite, 
no other Ship from New Spain up to this time has managed to 
come to Anchor in that place, which causes great hardship for the 
Indians. Who can assign a reason for it? yet certain it is that with 
regard to God nothing happens by chance, but he permits second 
Causes to work his designs without interrupting their Order. 
When Don John de León went Governour, his Ship was left 
much batter'd near Palapa, because one undertook to Pilot it, who 
ought not to have done it, and perhaps out of covetousness. So the 
whole Cargo had to be carry'd thence to Manila upon the Backs 
of Indians. I am assur'd by those who were aboard, that above 
1000 Indians dy'd through the hard labour ; and had his Majesty's 
Remittance, which was but 40,000 Pieces of Eight that year, been 



as bountiful as upon other years, then yet more Indians would 
have died in carrying it. (Incidentally, let those observe this, who 
believe the Remittances to Manila are very considerable.) Before 
him Don John de Salcedo arriv'd at New Segovia, and the same 
Person told me that above 2000 Indians dy'd loading and carrying 
the cargo. Can any thing be more deplorable and Heart-rending? 
Formerly Ships regularly arriv'd safe at Cavite, so that all was 
managed without oppressing the Natives, unless the fear of meet- 
ing Enemies hapn'd to cause some alteration. (Don James Fajardo 
also landed at New Segovia.) 

19. God may remedy this if we use our proper endeavours. All 
Men agree that if the Ships sail from Acapulco any time in 
Februaryor even beginning of March, they will arrive in good time 
to put into Cavite, with safety. The reason is plain, because the 
South-west Winds, which are contrary, do not fix till after Mid- 
summer; and tho they should start up sooner, they are not lasting, 
and may be endur'd at Sea either lying by, or tacking as many do, 
and I saw it practis'd at the Cape of Good Hope, where are the 
greatest Storms in the World. There we were 28 days struggling 
against the Wind and Waves, sometimes lying up our Head to the 
Wind, and sometimes traversing from North to South and then 
South to North. But in order that they may set out of Acapulco at 
that time on their return, the Ships must sail from Manila at 
Midsummer, or sooner; so they sail with fair Weather to S. 
Bernardine, where they take in Wood, Water and Refreshment; 
and as soon as the South-west starts up, they set out upon their 
Voyage. 1 Pilots vary in their Opinions as to the Latitude they 
are to keep to ; doubtless every Man follows his own, for they are 
men that will not submit to another, as in time of Peace they 
may safely do. I've sailed with Pilots of several Peoples of Europe, 
and, in Truth, they all outdo us Spaniards. 2 No Man will deny 

1 Confirmation of this at Schurz, 279-80. 

2 On the other hand, standard manuals of navigation in Europe were usually 
Spanish until the 1630's and Spanish sailors had a high reputation, even among 
Englishmen, till Jacobean times (D. W. Waters, Art of Navigation in Englani, 
(London, 1958), 328). Pilots of the Manila Galleon were hardly as free to experi- 
ment as Navarrete suggests; innovators were liable to rebuke and punishment 
(Schurz, 249). 



that a good Course of Life is very conducing to a fair and happy 
Voyage. In a Ship there are many motives for being circumspect, 
and even the fiercest Animáis in the Ark, they say, became tame. 
For even in a milk-calm sea there's but a board betwixt Life and 
Death ; motive enough for trembling and living with Care. 
20. Concerning the Supplies sent to Manila, I have receiv'd in- 
formaron from well-meaning and conscientious Persons who have 
found in me some freedom of speech and independence to make it 
known : their shyness, or Prudence, has concealed it ! The Supply 
goes from México to the Philippine Islands, is usually consider- 
able, but is much clipt before it comes thither. 1 The King's 
Officers belonging to Manila, not those of México, must give the 
true estímate of those Supplies. Now what follows seems in- 
credible. At Acapulco they make a sort of Hut or Arbour of 
Boughs between the Sea and the Governour's door as a Shelter 
for the People and Commodities that are to be ship'd. I saw it 
when there; it consists of a dozen Poles stuck in the Ground, 
others across them at top, and over all Boughs, Hay, and Leaves 
of Palm-tree for a covering. And for a piece of work like this they 
have some years charg'd his Majesty's account 8000 pieces of 
eight for expence ; and this is defray'd out of the Supply sent to the 
Philippine Islands. Can this be parallel'd in the World? 2 There 
is a Boat they cali Chata, which serves to carry Goods and 
People aboard. 3 Now when this is mended, for a couple of Nails, 
a bit of Tar, Hemp, and such things they charge 800 or 1000 
Pieces of Eight and so in other things, as any honest Minister of 
State, that fears God and is zealous for his King's good, may easily 
compute. Besides this they send there many Ducats worth of 
Commodities, some of which are superfluous at Manila and 
others of no Valué whatever. 

1 The colonial government of the Philippines had an annual déficit which was 
made up by Mexican silver (Phelan, 13-14). See W. L. Schurz, 'The Philippine 
Situado', Híspante American Historial Review, 1 (1918), 461-4. 

2 There were also minor abuses : formerly wax-drippings from ships' candles 
were the perquisite of the Chief Pilot, but this led to the custom of leaving lamp- 
windows open to make the candles burn more and melt the wax more quickly. To 
prevent this abuse, melted wax was made a Royal perquisite (Maggs Brothers 
Catalogue No. 515 (1929), 62, quoting a document of 1680). 

3 A chata was a small boat in the Philippines. 



21. An accident very remarkable hapned at Manila some Years 
since, which I havc not seen in writing, and think convenient to 
insert in this place. There was such abundance of Pilchards in the 
Bay, and so many taken, that it was wonderful ; all the Poor and 
common sort liv'd upon them, and sometimes the great ones 
did eat them as a Dainty ; being extraordinary cheap, they were a 
great relief to many People. The time carne when they banish'd 
the Bishop, and from that moment the fish went off and totally 
vanish'd. This was much taken notice of, and is so to this Day. 
Another strange passage fell out, which is still fresh in the 
memory of all Men, which was, that when the good Archbishop 
was without the Gate of the store Houses where they ship'd him, 
he shook the dust off his Shoes, and cast some stones at the City, 
one of which reach'd Don Peter de Corcuera the Governour's 
Nephew, and hit him on the Shin ; and tho the stroke and hurt 
was most inconsiderable, it fester'd and he dy'd of it. The Judg 
Zapata dy'd suddenly. Tenorio was beheaded. The Archdeacon 
of the Cathedral dy'd in a small time ; these were all Enemies to 
the Archbishop. But the strangest of all, in my poor opinión was 
that a Souldier being commanded to lay hold of the Archbishop, 
who then had the Ciborium with the blessed Sacrament in his 
Hands, or at least lean'd upon the Altar where it was, that 
Souldier thinking it an execrable action, excus'd himself and 
said, I will rather die than do it, and laying his Hand to his 
Sword, drew it out and fell upon it. God was pleas'd to save his 
Life, as a reward of the Holy Zeal he express'd. 

22. Much has been said, and disputed about the Royal Chappel 
Don Sebastian de Corcuera built at Manila [at Fort Santiago]. I 
would willingly dilate upon it, and write the Opinión ofthe People 
ofthose Islands, but will confine my self for some reasons I have. In 
the ist Place we must not always condemn the demolishing, ñor 
commend the erecting of Churches ; for, as we see in the time of 
Don James Faxardo, some noted Churches were demolish'd that 
the Dutch might not fortify themselves in them, and annoy the 
Islands. Under Don Sabiniano de Lara others were thrown down, 
to prevent the Chineses making Forts of them and that the 
Cannon might play freely. This demolishing cannot be con- 



demn'd, no more than the same done in other Places by order of 
pious Princes. So in case of erecting of Churches, something may 
occur or intervene that may make it an ill action either in a Moral or 
Civil sense ; because a thing is good when so in all respects, and 
bad through any one defect. King Philip and his Council were 
not offended at building the House of the poor Clares at Macao, 
because it was a Nunnery or a Church, for both those things are 
good ; but because the place was not convenient for it, being in a 
Country of Infidels. Similarly any Man is much to be blam'd who 
would raise such Structures out of what belongs to others, and is 
illgotten ; ñor would it please God if one should erect Churches 
out of that which ought to be apply'd to the maintenance of the 
Poor. St Chrysostom says, 'Those that adorn Churches do a good 
work, if the Poor enjoy a part of their Goods, for then they build 
for the Glory of God. Would you build the House of God? Then 
give a living to the faithful Poor, and you will be building the 
House of God'. There are two types of Churches : one made of 
living Stones, that is the Poor; and another which is dead and 
made of hewn Stones ; now it is neither proper ñor lawful to for- 
sake the former for the latter. 

23. In the iá place that Chappel is no way necessary at Manila, 1 
Because it would imply a neglect in essentials in so many good Gov- 
ernours as preceded him. 2. Because they have a Cathedral just by, 
and other Churches where they may hear a few Sermons in Lent. 

24. Besides, that Gentleman spent not a Half-penny of his own 
in building that Chappel, but did it all out of the Souldiers pay, 
and that is what maintains it to this day. Now no Man is generous 
who spends out of another's Purse. Moreover there are above 
8000 pieces of eight yearly spent in that Chappel on 12 Chap- 
lains, Musicians, Sacristans, Festivals and Wax and Wine for the 
Masses ; and there are Frauds enough practis'd even over the Wax. 
And all this although at present there are Souldiers at Manila, 
who go barefoot, and without Swords, and several reform'd 
Captains and Ensigns are dying of hunger. Where then is the 
need or the good of that Chappel? 1 

1 For confirmation of these remarles about the poor conditions of the soldiery, see 
the Memorial (1652) of Father Magino Sola (Blair, xxxvi, 49-50). 



25. But supposing there must be a Chappel, why must there be 
12 Chaplains, and the Dean have 1000 pieces of eight and more 
annually allow'd him while Souldiers go naked and starving? 
Let there be four Chaplains ; let their Stipends be lessened ; and 
let those 8000 pieces of eight be divided among them and the 
Souldiers, or poor Officers. In such a matter as this there can be 
no room for respect of Persons, or self-interest, but only for the 
Publick Good. 1 

26. But allowing the erecting of that chappel be good in all 
respects (for so we must judg ofthe intention) yet the condition of 
those Islands at present is nothing like what it was then ; now it 
differs from its former state as much as does the painted Portrait 
from the Sitter ; then they were very rich, but now are miserably 
poor ; then there were rich Men who reliev'd many ; at present no 
Man has enough for himself; the Trade was great, and has ever 
since decay'd ; no wonder then if there be reason to alter oíd 
things, tho in their day they were convenient. 

27. The case is fairly stated, if they please there should still be a 
Chappel and Chappels, be it so in the Ñame of God ; yet the 
erecting of that cannot be justify'd upon the opinión of one Man, 
against the general consent of all the Islands. Another thing very 
prejudicial to the Kings Revenue is practis'd in those Islands, 
which is that the Governours who receive the Taxes, sink a great 
part for their own use. Thus it is that a Governour, for example, 
receives some thousands in Tributes, he makes up his Accounts 
to his own mind, and says, 'So much for my Salary due from his 
Majesty, so much expended, so much for Fees, so much is due to 
me.' He deducts according to his own reckoning, and if he re- 
ceiv'd a thousand, only sets down 600 which he delivers to the 
Exchequer after paying himself. The ill consequences of this 
Practice are visible. A considerable Man us'd to say it were better 

1 Costa (403) maintains that it was precisely the public good that was involved 
here and his versión of the business differs radically from Navarrete's: the twelve 
chaplaincies complained of were, apparently, twelve scholarships to provide a 
single chaplain as and when required and the funds carne from a fíef in Calamianes. 
The arrangement appears to have lapsed early on. Navarrete's indignation was 
probably not entirely disinterested for the scholarships were in the Jesuit College 
of San José, yet the social concern he reveáis in the matter is characteristic of him. 



the King should pay these Men their whole allowance, because 
they being judges of their own services and Merits, award them- 
selves much more than deserved, each paying himself as tho' he 
had done no less than the Epick hero, My Cid Campeador. 

28. A particular thing hapned not long since near the Town 
call'd Lilio, which is upon the Lake of Bai ; they sow much Corn 
in those Parts at present (many thousands of Ducats had been 
sav'd if it had been sow'd years earlier). An Indian had sow'd a 
considerable spot of Corn and the Government sent to view what 
every Man hath sow'd, and accordingly to assess what he was to 
pay Contribution. They judg'd by eye there might be 50 Bushels 
upon that spot, and so they enter'd it down, directing the Indian 
to carry the said quantity to Manila. The Indian urg'd there 
could not be so much Corn upon the Ground, and demanded an 
abatement, but was not allow'd it. He reap'd, and the Corn falling 
short, he had to buy some Bushels at over 6 Pieces of Eight the 
Bushel, in order to make up the 50 which he deliver'd to the 
Government and had not a grain left for himself but only his 
Labour and Sweat for his Pains. This is truth, and I see nothing 
unlikely in it, no more than in believing that 1000 Indians there- 
abouts ran away to the Mountains, perhaps because they saw such 
practices. May God grant no worse follows. Some Indians fly 
unto the Mountains, others die under their Burdens, others depart 
Manila, as I observ'd before; and I am inform'd of late, there are 
about 400 at Jacatra. The wonder is that there be any Indians left. 
And it were no small comfort if they had any hopes of relief even 

29. I have heard notable Circumstances from creditable Persons 
concerning the Imprisonment of Don John de Salcedo ; I will not 
argüe its Legality, for it does not belong to me, but it is reported 
that a Governour of those Islands us'd to say, Tn Spain, a Man 
does not know what he is going about, but as soon as he comes to 
the Islands, he finds he is both King and Pope.' To speak as it 
really is, he should have said, 'He is much greater than King or 
Pope.' 1 This is really so, and the ill consequence among many 

1 This was a commonplace : 'The Spanish, as soon as they reach Manila, all 
become Gentlemen' (Delgado, 301). The Jesuit moralist Gracián, in his Criticón, 




others is, that unless the fear of God checks them from giving way 
to all their Passions, Whims, Creed, Sensuality and Vengeance, 
there is no curbing them, ñor do the Laity or Clergy ñor Princes 
of the Church daré open their Mouths, or if they do it costs them 
dear ; and what some Men act in the Devils ñame, they alledge as 
Service done the King, and under that Cloke execute all their 
wicked designs and if any Man becomes their Critick they cry up 
that he opposes the King his Service. We have more than enough 
examples of this in those Philippine Islands, in Perú, in New 
Spain and in other parts. A Loyal Subject of the King's was wont 
to say, 'Father, a Man's Wickedness may be of such a Nature, so 
evident and so prejudicial to the Publick, that it may be a good 
Service done to God and the King, to put a stop to it the best that 
may be, without waiting for Orders from above, for that may 
require four Years, where even three is too long, for the Islands 
may be ruin'd in less time. It is only requisite in such cases that 
the Fact be well examin'd, and then many would be rewarded, 
not punish'd, for having had a hand in it.' Now in India, for 
example, a few Years since they carry'd a Viceroy in custody to 
Portugal, whose Crimes were not so great as those committed any 
Year at Manila. The Business was examin'd, the People accounted 
good Subjects, and the Viceroy condemn'd. I shrug'd my 
Shoulders because I had not seen what was done, and all Men 
ought to be heard before we pass Judgment upon them. 1 All this 
may serve to give the Reader some Light into the AfFairs of those 
Parts, which are nothing like to what we see among us. 

criticizes those who say 'Don't tire yourself finding me a Palace job, for at best 'tis 
but to play the lackey. A post in the Iridies for me — and the farther away the better'. 
Certainly, many of the Governors returned home rich men (Schurz, 173). The case 
of Governor Salcedo is summarized in Costa, 485-6. 

1 This almost certainly refers to Viceroy Antonio Meló de Castro (1662-6); 
Navarrete's sympathy is understandable, for he and Castro shared the same view of 
the Jesuits in Asia (Boxer, Fidalgos, 170-1). 



* * * 

As one who has seen with his own eyes all there is in that Part 
of this Island which is subject to your Majesty, I shall here write 
distinctly and clearly what is commanded of me by the Royal 
Order above mentioned. 








ICA (\ 

Guobo .Sontio 
pd6n de loVego» S° 

Monte de Pío 
Sonto Doming 

0.* VoioTuonoV 

• •Ze¿t>o v j 

. f 


The City of Sancto Domingo, is the Metrópolis and Capital of 
the Island, consisting of two thousand, nine hundred and seventy 
seven (2977) Souls, including the Military and those, both 
freedmen and slaves, who usually work upon the plantations and 
farms within an área of more than fourteen leagues. Of the men, 
seven hundred are Spanish ; nine hundred and seventy seven are 
Spanish women and of these latter, one third will not attend Mass 

1 An almost contemporary account of the island (in 1650) by Canon L. J. 
Alcocer is published in BAGN, v (1942), 28-101 with extensive notes and biblio- 
graphy. This is more detailed than Navarrete's. 



because they have no suitable clothes. Of slaves, male and female, 
there are one thousand three hundred. The remainder are coloured 
and mulattos, male and female, and are free. Since October 1677 
up to this April, 1681, two hundred and eighty eight have mar- 
ried, nearly all being of the meaner sort and slaves. Seven hundred 
and eighty have died. Six hundred and thirty eight have been 
baptised. Of the Spaniards, men and women, mentioned herein, 
more than half are children and mere striplings; of the remainder, 
a great part are very aged. 

This City has a notable Cathedral and a Parish Church of 
Saint Barbara j 1 the monasteries are : Saint Dominic's 2 with the 
School of Higher Studies; 3 Saint Francis's and that of our Lady 
of Ransom ; 4 there are two convenís of Dominican and Fran- 
ciscan nuns and three hospitals: St Nicholas's, St Andrew's, and 
St Lazarus's. 5 There's one college but it is completely empty. 
There are two very fine hermitages : our Lady of Carmel's and 
St Anthony Abbot's ; there's another of St Michael, but its only 
madeofStraw [palm canes]. 

In the Western part there's a Curtain of a Wall with a Fort 
facing both the Sea and Land ; it is called 'Fort Slaughterhouse', 
but towards the north it has a diamond point, 6 besides another 

1 When he arrived he found the Cathedral in a neglected state : almost a shell, 
with broken windows letting in the rain, without furniture or vestments ; the sight of 
it, he wrote, 'wounds my very heart' (Letters to Charles II, AGI, S.Dgo 3, 
93, 94)- 

2 It was here that Las Casas took the Dominican habit. 

3 The 'Athens of the New World' was a flourishing University in its heyday. Its 
claims to have been founded by virtue of the Bull In Apostolatus Culmine were hotly 
contested until its authenticity was recently proved (BAGN, v, 15; Vallellano, 
143 ff. ; Beltrán de Heredia, OP, La autenticidad de la Bula 'In apostolatus culmine' 
(Ciudad Trujillo, 1955)). 

4 The Ransomers, more usually known in English as Mercedarians, belonged to 
the Order of Our Lady of Mercy, founded by St Peter Nolasco (a.d. 1218) for the 
redemption of Christian captives from the Moors. 

5 St Andrew's was founded in 1512 and had a long history of maladministra- 
tion ; Navarrete turned his attention to it in 1680 and within a few months had it 
taking in eight patients (AGI, S.Dgo 93 ; A. Lugo, Historia de Santo Domingo 
(Ciudad Trujillo, 1952), 1, 296). St Nicholas's was in a worse case, and investiga- 
tion was hampered because those who held the records were refusing to show them 
(AGI, S.Dgo 94). 

6 Fort Matadero or San Gil (Utrera, 1, 118-23). 



little fort that also guards the land: half a league out upon the 
shore is Fort St Jerome and it was this that inflicted great damage 
upon the English invader in the year 1655. 1 It is small and in need 
of some repairs for people's security. Along the northern zone all 
the City lies open ; your Majesty has ordered that it be walled in, 
and sent funds towards that End, but no attempt at a beginning 
has as yet been made. Along the southern side is the Sea, full of 
rocks and reefs which themselves provide an impregnable wall. 
Near the College is what they cali 'Fort School', a place aptly 
fitted to prevent entrance by the River [Ozama]. 

To the East, on the same bank of the River, is the Fort that 
guards the entrance and prevenís Ships from approaching too 
closely ; it has a very good shape and contrivance, but since it is 
bufFeted below by the waters the stonework is gradually moulder- 
ing away and has become unjointed from its base so that it is in 
need of repair ; and what can be done today at a little Cost will, 
if it be not done now, cost thousands of Ducats later on. At water 
level it has some artillery pieces, in the manner of a battery plat- 
form, excellently fitted to oppose greatly any Ship attempting to 
come up to anchor. The parapets of the Fort run as far as the Corps 
de gard that is in the little square of the Palace and near here they 
have, in recent times, built a small Fort, which, in the opinión 
of the majority, is useless; in the opinión of all, is unnecessary; 
and, in the opinión of myself, is a positive danger to ourselves. 
(And I have seen many a Fort in this Life of mine, and noted 
them all attentively, so that I have the right to my say among those 
who've seen very few.) From the front of the Palace, the wall, 
which is continued by the aforementioned parapets, runs down 
to the river. Fort St James crowns the end of it. Its position is 
admirable : on the one side it looks out to the South, which is the 
way by which the enemy come ; in the front it looks towards the 
East and also to the North where the anchoring place is, and the 
beach where people may come ashore. Everything works towards 
its defence and it alone is sufficient provided it be well furnished 
with men and arms, to withstand all the enemy that attempt an 

1 Cromwell's attempted 'Western Design' upon Santo Domingo failed, but 
Jamaica was taken instead. 



attack. It is in a bad state though Your Majesty has already sent 
money for its repair and strengthening ; but to no purpose whatso- 

On the other side is the little chapel of our Lady of the Rosary, 
Mediatrix of the sea-folk : this is the fírst church of the island. 
Along the river, Sir, the island can never come to harm provided 
ordinary care is taken, for it is impossible for any to enter by that 
way, tho they may cannonade the City from the Sea and créate a 
diversión ; but enter they cannot ; and the more because of the 
sand-bank that is in front of the Fort: what needs looking to is, 
that the circumvallation of the City is very great, for the Western 
wall is no little distance from it, the Forts are many and people to 
man all the positions and take the field are very few and it would 
be difficult for them to link up. 

Another observation, and a considerable one moreover, is that 
this City has never undertaken to prepare a Retrenchment in 
order to secure the monies, silver and vestments of the church, 
the nuns, the oíd folk, the children, although there's a place 
towards the North which is high above the City and very good to 
the purpose; it could also serve as a Wall and Bulwark thus 
preventing an enemy's seizing hold of the City. This lack 
explains why when Drake entered here in 1585 [recté 1586] he 
robbed the Churches and whatever else there was to hand, and if 
only there'd been a brace of cannon in the Retrenchment — that is, 
if there had been a Retrenchment — he would not have entered the 
City ñor have made himself secure there. And in the year 1655 
when all this almost fell into the hands of the English, the 
Religious of both sexes and the women and children betook 
themselves to the fields. And many men, too, did likewise, flying 
from the fíght ; and much illness and many deaths followed upon 
this from the many woes they sufFered. This City was once beauti- 
ful and had the fairest houses ; but the earthquake a few years back 
[1672 ; 1673] left it in a great state of ruin. 

The City of Santiago de los Caballeros, upon the frontier of the 
French enemy territory, is towards the North in a high, healthy 
and very agreeable situation, some 36 leagues from this City 
and four from the Sea, but open and dismantled on all sides, 


Upon the 30th [rede 28] March 1660 the enemy entered it and 
laid it waste. There are there one thousand three hundred and 
thirteen souls of whom one hundred and sixty one are Spanish 
males, one hundred and fifty five are white women, one hundred 
and fifty eight are male slaves ; one hundred and fifty four are female 
slaves. The remainder are coloured and mulatto freedmen. There 
is one parish which gets 6,555 maravedís in tythes; it has a priest, 
a beneficed cúrate and a sacristán with 10975 maravedís in tythes. 
There is a Ransomers' monastery with one, sometimes two, 
Religious, with barely enough to live on ; St Sebastian's Hospital 
has been somewhat renovated since last year and can care for two 
patients. There is a good priest now in charge of it. There is the 
Hermitage of St Anne, which is in the care of a Priest since 
last year ; the poor, who are numerous, go there to mass at dawn. 1 
In the City there are twenty two mean houses roof'd with Tiles, 
and one hundred and twenty boxios. 2 

Though they have been miserably poor there these last few years, 
much has been done for the church, much that was not done in 
the past in flourishing times. The land is among the best in the 
world for every purpose, but the great farmlands that once sup- 
ported cattle are now in the hands of the French. 3 The river 
Yaque waters the City and it is celebrated for its water and for the 
gold that's got from its sands; though there's little enough these 
days because of the shortage of people. 

During the time Tve been governing here [as archbishop-elect] 
one hundred and twenty one persons have died ; and there have 

1 Spanish pride made people ashamed to be seen in poor clothes, thus Mass had 
to be said for them at night; an earlier Archbishop had complained that in the 
island every holy day had its midnight Mass, as though they were living in a per- 
petual Christmastide (Vallellano, 83); Navarrete, unable to eradicate this habit, 
shrewdly co-operated with it by putting on twice-weekly night sermons which 
became very popular (AGI, S.Dgo 93). 

2 Boxio: a rough building made of palm-wood, reeds and straw, without windows 
or any other ventilation than the door. 

3 In earlier times cattle had multiplied so rapidly that great herds roved wild over 
the island (Diffie, 93-4; Lugo, 1, 168), and the inhabitants had been so well 
provided with horses that they could afford to amuse themselves in their evenings 
by driving them into the sea in order to watch them be devoured by the sharks 
(Gaspar Affonso, 'Relacáo da Viagem' in B. Gomes de Brito, Historia Trágico' 
Marítima, II (Lisboa, 1736), 379). 



been fifty one marriages, of which twenty were performed during 
my [pastoral] visit, and no one was charged a farthing in the way 

The City of La Concepción de la Vega is 30 Leagues from here; 
and according to what young and oíd told me there, it had seven- 
teen thousand inhabitants in former times, and now, counting 
good and bad, big and small, it has thirty-five boxios. There are 
434 souls; forty-eight of these are Spanish males, thirty-five 
females, fifty-eight are male slaves; and the rest are coloured and 
mulatto freedmen. Between October 1677 and March 1681 there 
were twenty marriages and forty deaths. The hospital building is 
levelled to the ground, and the church is but half finished, is 
without doors and is rooFd with palm-leaves. But in recent times 
something has been allocated it towards vestments. There's only 
one priest there and he receives 18256 maravedís in tythes and 
the church itself gets 6846 maravedís. A league away is the 
Ransomers' monastery of the Holy Mount and it maintains one 
Religious. 1 

The town of Cotui is 18 Leagues from here; it has one hundred 
souls, thirty-one male Spaniards and twenty-six women; the 
rest are slaves and coloured freedmen. This year there passed away 
the one person there of any importance. It has twenty-two boxios, 
most of them are like huts. The church there is very badly kept 
but many of the things necessary for divine worship have just 
been provided for it. It was robbed by the French in 1672; of 
the tythes the priest receives 2888 maravedís; the church itself 

The City of Monte de Plata lies to the north-east of this City, 
some 12 leagues distant. It has ninety-seven souls, of whom 
twenty-two are male, and fourteen are female Spaniards. There 
are there twenty boxios and the church is made of boxio. In the 
last apportionment of tythes it got 642 maravedís and the priest 
1712. There's a Dominican priory, both it and the church are 

1 The Holy Mount (Santa Cerro) where, according to legend, Columbus 
planted a miraculous cross which resisted the Indians' efforts to destroy it. See 
E. W. Palm, Los monumentos arquitectónicos de la Española (Santa Domingo, 1955), 
1, 34-5; A. Tejera, 'La Cruz del Santo Cerro', BAGN, vm (1945), 101-19; 
E. R. D., 'El Santo Cerro', BAGN, vui (1945). 120-44. 



entirely built of boxio ; it maintains one Religious and that but 
poorly. 1 

The town of Boya, annex'd this Parish, has fourteen boxios and 
forty-three souls, Indians, both male and female, and some 
mestizos. There is a Hermitage, our Lady of the Holy Waters, 
which is at present being repaired. 

The town of [San Juan Bautista de] Vaiaguana, over towards the 
East, has nine boxios which, apart from one, are all mere shacks. 
There are serving in that place, great and small, ten wretched 
coloured folk. The faithful number one hundred and forty; thirty 
ofthem Spanish men; twenty-one Spanish women, eleven slaves, 
and the rest coloured freedmen. The church, boxio. This last year 
it has been adorned with a picture of St John the Baptist, who is 
the patrón saint, with a canopy, an altar-frontal, altar-cloth, 
corporals, 2 a chasuble, mundatories, 3 small cloths, covers for the 
chalice and the missal. In the last apportionment of tythes, the 
Priest received 4124 maravedís and the church 1546. They are now 
making doors for the church. On the feast of Corpus Christi last, 
there was not a single person to carry the canopy over the Sacra- 
ment [in the procession]. Here, as in the other places mentioned, 
there are people living out in the country round about for some 
seven or eight leagues from the town, with the result that not a 
few die without the Sacraments, tho I have sometimes spoken 
about this matter and commented on it. 4 If your Majesty were 
pleased to consent, this church could easily be united with that of 
Monte Plata from which it's only three leagues distant : then the 
parish would have something in the way of an income to ofFer 
and there would not be lacking someone to apply for it. 

In the town of Zeibo, some twenty leagues to the east of here, 
there are three hundred souls; twenty-seven Spanish males, four- 
teen females; seventy slaves, and the remainder coloured and 

1 Navarrete, characteristically, does not mention that the priory had a miraculous 
statue of our Lady (Alcocer, 75). 

2 A Unen cloth upon which the Blessed Sacrament is laid during Mass. 

3 A linen cloth used for cleansing the chalice. 

4 The island's gentry had taken to living in the country to avoid being seen in 
their poverty: this custom was reponed to the King by the Audiencia in 1678 



mulatto freedmen; it has 18 boxios ranging from bad to fair. The 
church is of boxio. In the last apportionment of tythes the priest got 
6740 maravedís and the church 2527. It has been assisted with the 
gift of a silver cross of fífteen ounces, a large crucifíx for the high 
altar, corporals, mundatories, and other little trines. From 1678 to 
April, 1681 there have been thirty-two deaths. 

The town of Higuei, 10 leagues further on, is at the head of the 
island. This has the Sanctuary of our Lady of Grace and has one 
hundred and forty four souls, of whom twenty-two are Spaniards, 
eighteen are white women, twenty-one are slaves, and the rest are 
coloured folk and mulattos. There are twenty-three boxios, the 
church is a strong brick building, and is very adequately adorned 
with all that's needed. The past year it was improved by a legacy 
of Don Ygnatius de Sayas, namely, two tall silver candlesticks 
worth 50 Pieces of Eight, which now serve to discover the Holy 
Image. This town is at the East of the Island, two leagues or so 
from the Sea. 

The town of Azua. This is the only town situated towards the 
Western zone some twenty-four leagues from this City. It has five 
hundred and eighty-two souls, fifty Spanish men, and twenty-four 
women; and one hundred and ninety-six slaves; the rest are 
coloured and mulatto freedmen. There are in this town 80 boxios 
not counting some other little shanties. In 1641 the French 
pillaged and burnt the place. The church has just been newly 
built this last year with stone and mud walls. The priest gets 
17436 maravedís in tythes and the church 6538. There is a 
monastery of Ransomers, made of boxio, which maintains one 
Religious and is convenient for the parish priest. Marriages since 
October 1677 to April ofthis year of 1681 number 19 ; deaths, 56. 

The town of Guaba, which is modern, is some 80 leagues to the 
West ofthis City. With the soldiers serving there for its defence 
it has one hundred and eighty two souls; thirty-five of these are 
Spanish males, and twenty-four females; and there are three 
slaves. The rest are negro refugees who have fled thither from the 
French zone, both coloured and mulattos. 1 In 1656 the French 

1 Large numbers of negroes fled from French severity in the hope of better treat- 
ment in the Spanish zone of the island (Lugo, 1, 256-7). Navarrete had already 



destroyed the place ; it was rebuilt and the year 1674 they burnt it 
again, killed the priest and carried out acts of effrontery. Nearly 
all the people assist in their own quarters, they go to Church in 
Holy Week, the devout go [also] at Christmas, and only an odd 
one or two go during the rest of the year, and this is the universal 
custom here in all the afore-mentioned places, with but little 
variation. The church is a poor boxio and lacks everything. Your 
Majesty's President educated a Chaplain for the service of the 
military here and so I left the care of the local church to him, and 
was able to withdraw a Religious who had gone there at my 
instance. It is eighty leagues from the City and there's no in- 
habited place in between, with the exception of the town of 
Azua ; and there are parts where the roads are very bad and the 
risk from the French is great. 1*11 give a quick run-over the whole 
of it and FU see it all with my own eyes and go back a second 
time this year, God willing. Every where I went I saw and noted 
that the half of the people hear Mass from outside the church for 
lack of clothes, a custom that caused me much grief. The deaths 
and marriages in these parts are not particularized for they do not 
amount to more than fíve or six. 

Beyond Guaba they tell me there are very rich silver mines. 
License was granted for the working of these in the past, but it was 
later revoked for some just reasons. These mines, they say, are in a 
very hidden part and that in all the Island there is only one 
mulatto with knowledge of the site and its whereabouts, and he 
lives in the Azua área and is now oíd ; if anything happens to him 
there'll be no means of lighting upon them. I lay this plainly 
before your Majesty so that you may order what shall seem good 
to yourself. Don Joseph de Peralta, one of the principal persons of 
this City, knows about this matter, because relatives of his 

begged land from the Audiencia for a negro settlement, and thus began what was to 
be the future town of San Lorenzo (Vallellano, 210) ; he urged the King to appoint 
a Royal Protector for the negroes, as had been done for the Indians earlier (AGI, 
S.Dgo 93 ; C. de Utrera, Dilucidaciones históricas (Santo Domingo, 1927-9), I, 
184-7). It was also due to Navarrete that the Canary Islanders (settled there to 
counter the depopulauon of Santo Domingo) did not entirely perish through the 
indifference of the local authorities (Utrera, 1, 316—7; and J. de Viera y Clavijo, 
Historia general de las islas de Canaria (Madrid, 1776), III, 3 18-19). 



obtained that Licence which I said was granted for the working 
of these mines. 

A day's journey from Cotuy are mines of excellent copper and 
blue [lapis lazuli] whence much of these two materials have been 
obtained these past years. There has been a lawsuit going on this 
long time over the inheriting of it and I understand that it is about 
to go to a mulatto who is very poor. There is also gold nearby and 
more still in Buena Ventura some eight or ten leagues from this 
City. The land, Sir, is among the best that your Majesty has in all 
your Kingdoms and territories; only workers are lacking, for 
those here will die rather than work <they are sluggards who are 
ready to sufFer hunger, nakedness, and other necessities, rather than 
exercise themselves in a little labour. [R 1 1]) 1 

Your Majesty charges us much to take steps to avoid public 
sins ; and all possible has been done in this regard and God has 
been good enough to see that the effort has borne some fruit. 

So that this notice may be full and complete I include here in- 
formation for your Majesty about the clergy of this Archdiocese : 
there are so few that at the moment there are only thirteen priests in 
reserve and without some office. There are only three preparing to 
be ordained in a year's time, there are few being trained, and their 
progress is slow ; it is out of these that all the churches in the island 
will have to be staffed. 

The following passage I trust only in my own hand: 2 out of 
thirteen priests that are without parishes, three (namely, Diego de 
Plasencia, Francisco de Medina and Antonio Girón de Caste- 
llanos) are capable of holding cures and other offices within the 
City : they do not wish to work outside it. The rest are completely 
illiterate and without any hope of its being possible to entrust the 
administration of the Sacraments to them ; 3 and yet if any priests 

1 These complaints are also made by the Jesuits in their annual letters (BM, Add. 
MS 17, 627, f. 3). Elsewhere (AGI, S.Dgo 93) Navarrete reponed that, although 
the islanders had the sea 'within the house, as it were', they were too lazy even to 
fish and demanded dispensations to eat meat on abstinence days, and that 'the bull- 
fights here exceed all bounds, thus encouraging idleness ; three or four a year would 
be enough'. The king, responding to this, reduced the annual fights to four and 
forbade late-evening theatre performances (AGI, S.Dgo 874). 

2 Up to this point he had been dictating to a clerical secretary. 

3 For instance, 'As I was wriung this the Prebendary, Piña, came to ask me to 



are needed as replacements 1*11 be constrained to turn to these as 
being a case of extreme necessity. The Reverend Father Rector of 
the Jesuits [Antonio Pérez] is never wanting in this labour, ñor 
do I cease to take care that these priests may improve somewhat. 1 1 
fínd the same faults in the Regular clergy with a very few excep- 
tions, certainly not more than four altogether. I put up with 
these priests because if I were to put pressure on them I'd fínd 
myself all alone here. I have written to the Reverend General of 
my Order about this matter asking that he should try to send four 
mature Religious, men of learning and virtue. If your Majesty saw 
fit to do so, and took it upon yourself, you could command that 
the same be done on this score in respect of the other three Orders 
[Jesuits, Ransomers, Franciscans] that are here. If there come not 
this year from México the two priests that have studied in the 
University there, Your Majesty might nomínate individuáis from 
Spain for the vacant Canonries on a competitive basis, for I see no 
signs here that there will be suitable persons to fill them for years to 

If your Majesty were good enough to order that vacancies in the 
Cathedral were only to be granted to those who have served for 
some years in curacies so that they would then realise they had 
first to pass along that road, 'tis likely they would then work to 
become more capable and fit to be priests. And this would bring 
it about that all the Prebendaries, also, would first become licensed 
confessors, for since they enjoy the church income it is only right 
that they be of some use to the church. 

This is what occurs to me to lay before your Majesty: in all 
matters I desire to do the right thing in your royal service. 

Santo Domingo, in Hispaniola Island, April 30th 1681. 

recommend him to your Majesty ; I regretted it much, for I cannot say more than 
that he is a good priest, but he cannot read and I'm ashamed of him in the Choir 
when I have to listen to him, and more still when he sings the Cospel in the presence 
of the Royal Audiencia' (AGI, S.Dgo 93) ; of another, 'stripped of his presump- 
tion he has nothing ; some talent, but no appücation' (ibid.). 

1 And sometimes he was successful : the Antonio Girón referred to earlier, had 
in the beginning been a cause for complaint, but he improved sufficiently to be the 
Secretary of the Synod of 1683 and later was Navarrete's chosen companion on his 
diocesan visits. For a note on the Jesuit Rector, Pérez, see Vallellano, 3 19. 



Last year the Treasurer, Gaspar de Carrizosa and the Pre- 
bendary Herrera died. 

Your Majesty's least and most devoted Chaplain kisses your 

Friar Domingo, Archbishop-elect. 1 

1 There are no papers relating to Navarrete in the State archives of the Dominican 
Republic. Documents of ecclesiastical interest (Chapter records, etc) in the 
Cathedral archive are inaccessible ; though, in fact, it is doubtful if much has 
survived. See L. Gómez Cañedo, OFM, Los archivos de la historia de America 
(México City, 1961), 1, 338-91. There is no trace of Navarrete's burial-place since 
the local clergy, irritated by his reforming zeal and his refusal to wink at their 
laxity, avenged themselves by omitting details of his death and of any subsequent 
funeral ceremonies from the Cathedral records (C. de Utrera, OFMCap, 
Episcopologio dominicopolitano (Santo Domingo, 1956), 3 3 ; idem, Dilucidaciones, 1, 1 15) 
Navarrete's reports to the King on the state of the Island were not unique by any 
means, and throughout the seventeenth century the Viceroys of México were 
instructed to send aid to Santo Domingo, for it was realized that 'the loss of this 
Garrison would result in irreparable damage to all the American dominions' ; in 
this connection see AGN, Reales Cédulas n, iv, XIII, xiv, xv, xvn, xix, xxi. 






The missionaries interned in Cantón made attempts to profít by 
their enforced inactivity. In September, a Rule of Life to be 
followed was sent them by the Jesuit Visitor, Gama, from Macao 
(ARSI, JapSin 162, ff. 133-4), and they began to compose a 
refutation of the libéis published against them by their accusers, a 
task for which a team of three (Navarrete, the Franciscan Santa 
María, and Father Costa) were selected (C 256). Navarrete also 
diligently continued his studies in Chínese, taking care to read a 
certain amount each day ; and for this he was admirably placed, 
because there were Chínese catechists with them in the house who 
could be called upon to clarify doubtful points and to give their 
explanations of the intricacies of Chínese religious thought 
(C 396, 411). 

Eventually news carne down from Peking that in August 1667 
the young K'ang-hsi Emperor had dismissed the Regency Council 
and taken control into his own hands. This, together with various 
rumours, led to hopes that before long they might be able to 
return to their churches. The possibility emphasized the need to 
settle the differences between the two groups of missionaries. 
Navarrete, always doubtful if anything could be settled within the 
mission itself, now wrote to Rome and to Manila asking for per- 
mission to return to Europe to try to obtain a settlement of the 
Controversy (AOPM 28, ff. 100-1); but this project was 
strenuously opposed by the Dominican Vicar-Provincial, friar 
Varo, who countered that Navarrete was the most competent 
Dominican in China and that it would be impossible to do 
without him. 

The point was academic, for no reléase carne. Meantime, how- 
ever, the internees began a formal conference among themselves in 


order to discuss aspects of their work in China. There were nine- 
teen Jesuits against four friars and, since decisions were to be 
taken by voting, Navarrete had some anxious moments before 
deciding to join with them (C 19o). 1 When he did agree, it was 
because he was confídent that only matters of procedure and 
discipline could be debated, since no theological subjects were 
likely to be settled simply by a show of hands ; secondly, he claimed 
the right to cast a block vote of six, that is, his own and Ave votes 
on behalf of the friars who had escaped arrest and were still 
working secretly in the mission, for, as Dominican President, he 
represented them also ('Ends', f. 46) ; 2 thirdly, he relied upon the 
Jesuits' usual disunity to split them, thereby throwing some votes 
on his side ; and fourthly, he was keenly aware of the need to come 
to some modus vivendi with the Fathers, and this consideraron 
drove him on. 

The Conference opened on 18 December 1667 with a pleasant 
and popular Italian Jesuit, Ferrari, acting as Secretary. In an early 
discussion on the correct Chínese versión of the Baptism formula, 
Navarrete justified his decisión to take part by winning four 
Fathers over to the friars' viewpoint. A discussion of the mis- 
sionaries' practice of allowing the converts to attend Mass with 
their heads covered led to some heated debate, but again Navarrete 
counted seventeen Jesuits with him. Nevertheless, a memorial on 
the matter was submitted to the Jesuit Visitor in Macao. Other 
questions were disposed of more quietly, and in all some forty 
propositions had been discussed when on the morning of 26 
January the only non-controversial proposal was put: that St 
Joseph be chosen as the patrón of the Mission. That day the 
Conference was due to cióse, but at the afternoon session, to the 

1 Father Brucker (D TC, article Chinas — Rites) states that Navarrete was ordered 
by his superior, 'Vincent Prot', to reach agreement with the Jesuits and to sign on 
behalf of the Dominicans whatever the majority should decide. But, in fact, there 
was no Dominican in the mission called 'Prot'; the 'V. Prl.' (Vicar Provincial) 
was Varo (Biermann, Die Anfange, 119). 

2 'Presidente' was a title given to the Superior of a group of friars living in a 
convent which had not been formally established. For the work done secretly by the 
Dominicans during this period of persecución, see F. Pallu, Lettres, 1658-1684, ed. 
A. Launay (Angouléme, 1905), II, 37-8. 



astonishment of the friars, one of their number, a Sicilian Domini- 
can named Sarpetri, unexpectedly tabled a motion that the decree 
of 1656 granted to the Jesuits should be accepted by all and fol- 
lowed in the Mission. 1 Such a proposal might well have been 
looked for from a Jesuit, but not from a friar, so that Navarrete's 
party were stunned, while the Jesuits, together with their sudden 
ally, now showed a solid front. Later they were to make much of 
this defection, presenting Sarpetri as the answer to their own dis- 
senter, Father Longobardi (ARSI, JapSin 109, rf. 126-7), and as 
their best defence against Navarrete (ibid. 162, ff. 297-8). And 
he, on his side, explained it away by citing an instance of Sar- 
petri's highly eccentric theology (Certificatoria, 170) and by saying, 
probably with cause, that Sarpetri had been influenced by his 
únele, the Jesuit Brancati, who was also present in the house. 

The afternoon was spent in argument, and by the end of the day 
the friars were still dissatisfied (CASA 1070, f. 5). Exactly what 
happened next is not easy to make out. According to the Jesuits 
the friars signed the Minutes and were in agreement with them, 
but later wavered and changed their minds. The friars' versión 
differs. But if, in fact, the friars did sign, then they did so with 
considerable reservations, for, with the exception of Sarpetri, their 
subsequent attitude shows no change of mind at all. Santa María, 
the Franciscan, certainly did not sign (AME 423, covering letter) 
and Navarrete, giving his versión to Bishop Pallu later, says that 
not all signed (AME 423, f. 212), while the Controversias (295, 
330) explain that on this particular question no vote was taken. 
Instead they all rose from the discussion, and Navarrete an- 
nounced that he would submit written objections. Despite this, 
he goes on, the Jesuits, without consulting him or Santa María, 
sent off the Minutes to Macao to Father Visitor Gama. Friar 
Domingo wrote a report, which he handed over to the Jesuits on 
8 March 1668 (C 324) ; and on 18 April they replied, reaffirming 
that for them the question had been decisively settled by the papal 
decree of 1656, given to Father Martini on the basis of his descrip- 
tion of the Rites in Rome. They regretted, they said, this new 
dust-storm of doubts now being stirred up by Navarrete, whose 
1 For the background to this decree see pp. lxiii, 5811, 124 above. 


intentions might be good, but whose allegations and misinterpre- 
tations of remarks could only be harmful to the Society. This 
statement and other relevant papers, annotated by Navarrete, 
was sent by him to Gama, from whom he begged a plain answer, 
adding that he was not following any party-line, but only desirous 
of reaching the truth, 'that truth which is neither thine, ñor mine, 
ñor this man's or another's, but the common property of us all'. 

On 12 May Gama, having acknowledged the letter with a 
tactful reply, settled down to study the matter. In the subsequent 
months, the Jesuits in Cantón, no doubt exasperated by what 
seemed to them like obstinacy, no longer regarded Navarrete as a 
source of fun (Cortés Osorio, 90-1), and retaliated by sending 
him and Santa María to coventry, until they were all suddenly 
driven into each other's arms by Father Gama's reply. 

But, apart from healing this unhappy breach, Father Gama's 
contribution to the discussion had no other beneficial eífects. A 
narrow-minded martinet, ignorant of China and alienated by 
what he had seen of the Chínese during the blockade of Macao 
(Gama, Diary 1, 182; 11, 753), he now proposed to alter some of 
the points agreed upon during the Cantón Conference (ibid. II, 
751) ; and the Jesuits saw, to their astonishment (ARSI, JapSin 
162, f. 210), that on some issues he seemed to be siding with the 
friars. Each group could now show a tonsured enemy scalp to its 
credit : the Jesuits had one friar-ally and the friars, in return, could 
claim a Jesuit Visitor. More remarkably, on some points both friar 
and Jesuit stood in alliance against the Visitor, and Father 
Rougemont complained to Rome that Gama opposed Navarrete's 
proposed settlement of the question whether or not converts should 
be allowed to hear Mass with their heads covered. Not only was 
Gama ill-advised, but he was also obstínate; and, wrote Father 
Rougemont to the Jesuit General, not even Navarrete, 'who de- 
fended his own, and our, opinión in a lengthy and learned 
memorándum', had been able to convince the Visitor of the error 
of his ways (ibid. f. 249). Rougemont, moreover, saw this as an 
end of their hopes of reaching agreement with the friars. Father 
Gama, however, remained firm, rejected all the Jesuits' protests, 
and enjoined absolute obedience {Diary II, 754). 



The situation has an element of farce, but it was a grim farce for 
those involved in it, and for Navarrete it offered a lesson: prac- 
tically the entire complement of Jesuits in China were in Cantón 
with the friars, and the situation had therefore seemed ideal for 
reaching an agreement. Yet that agreement, hammered out in 
painful debate, was now to be cast aside because once again the 
Jesuits could not unite among themselves upon a programme 
which the friars might then discuss with them. This disunity was 
underlined by another, and electrifying, surprise, because the 
Franciscan, Santa María, chose this moment to show Navarrete 
his copy of the banned treatise, unknown as yet to the rest of the 
friars, written long before by the dissident Jesuit Longobardi, 
Ricci's chosen successor. The effect of this revelation upon 
Navarrete can hardly be over-estimated. 

Moreover, this fresh failure to reach agreement concerned only 
minor points, and the basic issue, the question of the Rites as 
raised by Sarpetri, still remained to be settled. Towards the end 
of 1668 Gama ordered Fathers Le Favre and Brancati to answer 
Navarrete's objections on this score. These two, Le Favre, the 
Jesuits' theologian in the mission, and Brancati, their best 
Sinologue, a man with thirty-four years' experience of China, 
were presumably the most formidable team the China Jesuits 
could field. Within a few months their replies were submitted : 
Le Favre's 'Compendiosa responsio', handed over in March 1669, 
patiently explained the Jesuit interpretation of the Rites, concen- 
trating on an appeal to the friars to show a more broadminded 
and tolerant attitude, to distinguish precepts of obligation from 
counsels of perfection, warning them against the heresies that 
spring from excessive severity, and hinting at traces of Jansenism 
in the Society's opponents. Undeterred by this spokesman for the 
opposition, Navarrete set down his answers to Le Favre's case, 
point by point and with equal patience, reminding the Jesuits that 
the 'Riccistas' had no monopoly of knowledge of China, for 
Father Longobardi had spent 57 years working in the mission. 

Le Favre's 'Responsio' was backed up on 25 June by Father 
Brancati's. Despite his knowledge of Chínese, Brancati was 
probably not the best choice for the task of convincing Navarrete 



to follow the Jesuits peacefully. A man of impetuous tempera- 
ment, afflicted with gout and perhaps on that account irritable, 
he was extremely zealous, but intransigent and tactless in debate 
which for him was all cut and thrust, since he made a personal 
issue of the question raised. His seventy-two-page reply to Navar- 
rete was, he later explained, a blow for his 'Father and Mother, 
hoc est, the Society of Jesús and its Glorious Founder', and he dis- 
missed the Dominican's charges by calling them the work of 'liars 
whose leader [Navarrete] is the father of liars'. There was an 
arrogant tone in his reply when he asked how the friars, who had 
only arrived in the mission a few years before, could know as much 
about China as the Jesuits who had been there for 90 years and 
written 300 books. 1 

This was too much for the Dominicans to swallow, and friar 
Varo later distinguished Brancati's treatise from Le Favre's by 
saying that the former had much to answer for, and that his im- 
proper manner was quite unjustified since Navarrete's memorán- 
dum had been courteous. Not surprisingly, Navarrete was in- 
furiated and, when asked to return Brancati's treatise, replied that 
he had burnt it, although later he produced it and handed it back. 
Brancati had, in fact, made some telling points and, after opening 
with a warning that 'a war of letters could be worse than a war of 
weapons', he went on to appeal to the mendicants to join the 
Jesuits in making the Faith easy for the Chínese, to 'give milk to 
these children in the Faith until they are stronger'. According to 
Brancati's nephew, Sarpetri, friar Domingo confessed that he was 
moved when he read the treatise. If this were so it would be ampie 
proof of Navarrete's disinterested sincerity that, in face of insult, 
he could see the truth in Brancati's argument. But Sarpetri is not 
unbiased, and he probably misunderstood an ironical remark. 
Navarrete may well have been moved by Brancati's memorándum ; 

1 The treatises of Brancati and Le Favre were published in 1700, that of Brancati 
probably based on the MS prepared by the Macao copyists from which, as Varo was 
told in 1680, much was omitted, doubtless with a view to toning down its sharp- 
ness. For bibliographical details, and references to MSS in the BVE and AJUDA, 
see Streit, v, 838, 841 ; vil, 1 ; see also MSS in AME, vols. 476, 280. Varo, un- 
aware that Navarrete had answered them, did so himself (BM, Add. MS 16933, 
227 ff.). Brancati's sinological scholarship is attacked at C 361. 



he was clearly provoked by it ; but he was certainly not convinced 
by it, as is evident from the tone of his reply, which is among the 
angrier pages of the Controversias. For he allows himself to refer to 
Father Brancati by his nickname ('the white elephant'), and 
proceeds to analyse both him and his nephew, Sarpetri, in terms 
of the humour-psychology of Huarte de San Juan's Examen de 
ingenios, finally deciding that Sicilian stubbornness explains 
everything (C 19; T 160). Navarrete's counter-blast, however, is 
not a mere return of abuse received, and he argües passionately, 
but reasonably, in defence of his position. Once, at least, he 
reaches an almost lyrical tone in his apología where he sums up the 
friars' suspicions and objections in a passage of sustained forcé 
and vigour. He was now carrying on his battle on two fronts, for 
Father- Visitor Gama, who was still holding out in his own posi- 
tion over in Macao, despatched to him in August a batch of 
letters about, as he noted in his diary (11, 755), 'that long-standing 
business of his'. 

Yet despite what seemed to him obstinacy and provocation, and 
despite his own tenacity, friar Domingo made one more attempt 
to come to agreement with the Jesuits. On 29 September 1669 
he had a long talk with the Jesuit Vice-Provincial Gouveia, a 
Portuguese whom, as a person, he disliked. Nevertheless they 
seriously discussed the possibility of adopting an interim policy. 
Although in this conversation Navarrete stressed that his four 
years living with the Fathers in Cantón had only confirmed him 
in his convictions (Biermann, Die Anjange, 123), there are signs 
that both sides were tiring (C 358) and anxious for a settlement. 
Gouveia made some diplomatic remarks implying agreement with 
Navarrete's viewpoint on certain heads (C 396, 398), but in- 
sisting that he repeat his overtures in writing ('Ends', f. 44), with 
the result that on the same day Navarrete wrote suggesting that 
both sides should cede a little ground and adopt, as a working 
arrangement, the terms of the Jesuit Conference of Hang-chou in 
\6\z) These terms, which were too vague to be a sound basis for 

1 Fr Brucker incorrectly states (D TC ibid) that after reading Brancati's treatise, 
Navarrete offered to follow and abide by the terms of the 1656 decree. But the 
acceptability of that decree was, ofcourse, the very bone of contention, and Navar- 
rete did not accept its validity. 



agreement, were not recognized by the Jesuits, who, in reply, 
disowned the Hang-chou meeting, which they said they had never 
heard of before, and asserted that it could not have been a serious 
policy discussion since there was no record of it in their archives. 
When Navarrete handed over copies of the Minutes, they rejected 
them, again pressing the friars to accept the terms of the Martini 
decree of 1656, although Navarrete had steadily refused to agree to 
them all along. He was, further, somewhat surprised by this 
stipulation since Gouveia, in prívate conversation, had implied 
that he himself was not entirely satisfíed with the report Martini 
had submitted to Rome (C 362). But there is no reason to suppose 
that Gouveia was insincere ; it is more likely that he had, mean- 
time, been prevailed upon by a more intransigent and stronger 
personality, such as Brancati, to reject Navarrete's offer (to follow 
the Hang-chou meeting) and to seize the chance to press for the 
acceptance of the 1656 decree. Once again, then, there was dead- 
lock. At this delicate moment, however, Navarrete's dilemma 
was solved by events from outside. Early in October an Imperial 
decree carne down from Peking, and from their reading of it they 
concluded that there was little hope of their being able to return 
to their churches in the interior. For Navarrete, of course, this 
blow also meant that, if they were not to be permitted to work 
again in China within the foreseeable future, there was no point 
in struggling to reach an interim agreement with the Jesuits. 

Accordingly he withdrew his offer to accept the Hang-chou 
terms. Gouveia's earlier and rather surprising insistence that 
Navarrete's proposals be submitted to him in writing, and his 
acuteness in subsequently having them certified by friar Sarpetri 
as genuine autographs, thereby forestalling any attempt to disown 
them later, now began to pay dividends. For the Jesuits were able 
to despatch copies of Navarrete's offer to Rome ; to claim that he 
had recently been quite willing to follow their practice in the 
mission; and, moreover, to present his subsequent withdrawal of 
that offer as a discreditable volte^face, for, obviously, Gouveia had 
not troubled toinsist upon a certified autograph copyof Navarrete's 
explanation of why he had withdrawn his offer. From the point 
of view of debating strategy the material now sent to Rome far 


outstripped the valué of the anthologies of friars' praise that 
Verbiest was sending there, because this appeared to be clear 
evidence that the Mendicants were basically unsure of their own 
position. Navarrete had been out-manoeuvred and, moreover, he 
seems not to have realized it, for he made no attempt to secure 
himself against the advantage he had just given the Jesuits. Not 
only that, but with his position unwittingly weakened he now 
made another decisión which, more than any other, was later to 
be used against him. He decided to leave the internment-centre 
secretly and make for Macao. 

He had never wavered in his conviction that the problems of the 
mission would never be settled in China but in Rome and by 
papal decisión; and he had from the beginning of the internment 
wanted to be allowed to go to present the friars' case. The need for 
this had been emphasised by recent events : above all, because the 
Jesuits had despatched a spokesman from Cantón, Father Intor- 
cetta, to put their views before the Holy See once again. Moreover, 
it became known that this man was also carrying letters from the 
friar-rebel, Sarpetri, in support of the Jesuits' methods, letters 
which were regarded as little short of treachery. The friars' position 
was therefore desperate, and it demanded desperate action. When 
Intorcetta had left the internment-house his place had been taken, 
as had been arranged, by another priest sent across from Macao for 
the purpose, so that the number of internees would be the same if 
the Chínese decided to take a roll-call. The difference in features 
would not be noticed by the Chínese to whom European faces all 
seemed the same : the important thing was to keep the number of 
internees steady. Seeing Intorcetta's example, Navarrete decided 
to follow suit, to leave Cantón for the Philippines or Europe, to 
report to his superiors personally, to disown Sarpetri's attitude, to 
present the friars' case, and thus to prepare the way for a final and 
definitive decisión from the only source able to give one. When 
the Imperial decree had reached them, the missionaries had asked 
their confidant John Li Pe Ming for his advice, and he had replied 
that they could go to Macao whenever they asked to : what was, 
however, clearly impossible was to go back to the interior. For- 
tifTed by this, Navarrete attempted to get permission from the 


Chínese, but the Jesuits, unwilling to see him depart for Europe, 
managed to thwart these efforts (C 605; R 46). Accordingly, 
on the night of 9 December 1669, as a last resort, he left the resi- 
dence secretly and made for Macao to seek transport for Manila 
or Europe. 

Accusations that he had fled, leaving his colleagues in diré 
peril, were an obvious consequence. Father Gouveia wrote ofF to 
the Jesuit General complaining of this sudden flight, which 
seemed to him the worse because Navarrete had been there with 
them for four years 'eating at our expence' ; and he warned the 
General that if Navarrete managed to reach Rome he would 
bring trouble because he had taken with him 'his papers, his 
presumption, and his great lip' (ARSI, JapSin 162, ff. 297-8). 
Others, too, thought Navarrete's unexpected departure was im- 
portant and Father Herdtrich, as has been said, even went to the 
length of informing the Holy Román Emperor. In view of all 
this, it is at first sight surprising that in the Tratados Navarrete 
mentions the flight from Cantón with great casualness and with- 
out any excuses, and clearly still thought that there was nothing 
in his decisión or action that required to be defended. It is only 
after criticism began to reach him that he attempts to explain 
his reasons for this precipítate move (C 89, 259, 604-10; R 27, 
46). He had foreseen, he said, that the Jesuits would bring in a 
substitute from Macao, just as they had done for their own Father 
Intorcetta when he left. There would not be any difficulty about 
this, because there were plenty of Fathers there longing to get into 
China; especially at that particular time when there were more 
Jesuits than ever in Macao College, which was 'packed to the 
attic' by refugee Fathers from Tonkin and Cochinchina, where 
there was also persecution (Rouleau, Siqueira, 28). But in any 
case his departure took place during the third period of their 
detention, when conditions had improved considerably, the roll- 
calls had ceased, and they were no longer under surveillance as 
they had been when Intorcetta had left the Residence. Father 
Rougemont, for example, confirms Navarrete's remark that after 
1668 the tempo slackened and the internees were able to leave the 
house for as long as a whole day at a time. Thus there was little 


likelihood of a snap check proving an embarrassment to the inter- 
nees. But had the worst come to the worst, and had they been faced 
with a sudden resumption of the roll-calls, they could easily have 
called upon the large suite attending the Portuguese ambassador 
who was in Cantón, and who had been detained there for some 
time, awaiting permission to go to Peking. In an emergency any 
of these Europeans could have covered Navarrete's absence during 
the few days in which he was travelling to Macao and his replace- 
ment was travelling to Cantón. 

The best answer to the accusations was to point to the results. 
For, in fact, nothing happened, to the Jesuits' disappointment, 
wrote Navarrete later, because if trouble had followed upon his 
departure, it would have served the Fathers' cause so well that, 'I 
make no doubt of it, they'd give all the Capital of their Provinces 
of Japan and China, and that willingly!' (C 608). The accusa- 
tions of cowardice were quickly disposed of: would a man who 
stood firm, even surrendered himself to the authorities at the 
beginning of the persecution when all looked black or (at best) 
uncertain, would such an one fly in fear when the persecution was 
over, and there was no danger — except that of boredom? (R 27). 

And as he had foreseen, just as Intorcetta's place was taken by a 
priest from Macao, so Navarrete's place was taken by Father 
Grimaldi. The friars thought that the Jesuits had nothing to com- 
plain about : 'they have gained a mathematician and we have lost 
a great missioner', wrote friar Varo, and they agreed that Navar- 
rete's departure was essential to their cause. 1 Father Grimaldi, 
who had a distinguished career in China, later wrote, T took upon 
myself the ñame of that man who became the accuser of my 
brethren, and who even after death still breathes threats; I took 
even the Chínese ñame of friar Navarrete, Min Min ngo, and have 
retained it until this very day, thus deceiving the Chínese, for 
whenever the Emperor calis for Min Min ngo, I play his role here 
on earth. I wonder, will I have to represent him in Heaven too?' 
('Responsio', Peking, 15 October 1705 ; RAH 9/2664). 

It is of interest to note that, though Navarrete's precipítate de- 

1 CASA 1074, ff- 2 98, 303 ; AOPM, MS 'Historia de la provincia del Ssm. 
Rosario', by fray Juan de los Angeles, f. 3 16. 

42 3 


parture was said to have caused great danger and alarm, Father- 
Visitor Gama's meticulous diary makes no mention whatever of 
the matter, no mention of his two interviews with Navarrete in 
Macao, ñor of his having to depute Grimaldi as a substitute and 
authorize his departure for Cantón. On the other hand Father 
Cortés Osorio made the most of it (Reparos 3-10). He described 
friar Domingo as an infamous deserter, guilty of abandoning the 
Christian army in the face of the enemy, and thought his depar- 
ture had the appearance of apostasy, for Navarrete, he said, in that 
band of apostles, had played the Judas to Grimaldi's Mathias. 
Father Cortés professed himself puzzled, as indeed he might well, 
that anyone of this description had come to be appointed Pro- 
curator of the Philippine Province in Madrid. 

Some apologists tried to defend Navarrete from his critics and 
the Jesuit historian Pray fell upon one such who, presumably 
confusing Navarrete with Intorcetta, had said that he was sent to 
Rome as a representative of the others to propose their doubts 
there: 'what doubts, and by what Missionaries?' asked Pray 
indignantly (Historia, 67). Nevertheless, despite this warning, 
some Jesuits good-naturedly continué to score goals for the wrong 
side: Father Colombel (Histoire, 11, 198) states that Navarrete's 
place was taken by Father Grimaldi who was waiting for an 
opportunity to enter China, and this exchange was so successful 
that the Jesuits decided in 1670 to allow Intorcetta to leave and be 
replaced by another. On the other hand, attempts at neutrality 
also result in some curious versions, and according to Couling 
(486) 'Navarrete . . . happened to flee to Macao'. 




The return to Madagascar from the Cape, which Navarrete 
regretted as a delay, turned out to be profítable because it brought 
him into contact with Francois Pallu, Bishop of Heliopolis, 
one of the new Vicars-Apostolic appointed by Rome, and chief 
of the founders of the French Foreign Mission Society of Paris. 1 
Pallu's position and work were symbolical of the official Román 
break with the paároado and of France's emergence as the new 
dominant missionary power. He himself seems to have believed 
that God had called the French nation to set right in the East what 
the Iberians between them had bungled (Lettres, i, 392-403). 
Others, less spiritually-minded, saw political possibilities in the 
missions, and Louis XIV was particularly generous with help for 
the missionaries through whom he hoped to see the spread of 
French influence. On the way back to the East the Bishop's ship 
had been held up in Madagascar, and he was staying with the 
French Lazarists, members of yet another young French founda- 
tion of missionaries. 2 At first these made no effort to accommodate 
Navarrete, and the Capuchin, Ambroise de Preusty, was much 
more helpful. Navarrete may have been puzzled by this coolness, 
but the explanation is to be found elsewhere, for a few months 
earlier the Lazarist Superior-General had written from Paris 
(Mémoires, ix, 569), warning them not to admit transient clergy 

1 For Pallu, see L. Baudiment, Franfois Pallu, principal fondateur de la SME (Paris, 
1934); the memoir by M. Pallu, Essais biograpbiques (Le Mans, 1863); the 
Lettres 1658-84; G. Goyau, Les Prétres des missions étrangéres (Paris, 1932); A. 
Launay, Memorial de la Société des missions étrangéres (¡658-1912) (Paris, 1912-16, 2 

2 For the Lazarists, see G. Goyau, La Congrégation de la mission des Lazaristes 
(Paris, 1938); for them in Madagascar, see the Mémoires de la Congrégation de la 
Mission, ix, (Madagascar), (Paris, 1866), which contains little-known accounts of 



too readily to their house because in the recent past some travelling 
priests had abused this hospitality by persuading members of the 
Lazarist community to abandon Madagascar and accompany 
them to China. Unfortunately, these ecclesiastical pied-pipers are 
not identifíed in the printed text, though doubtless they were in 
the original. They are unlikely to have been Jesuits. 

Obeying this command, the Lazarists therefore made no move 
to invite friar Domingo to their house until the French laymen 
travelling with him insisted that something be done. Thus Pallu 
and Navarrete carne to meet, and once they met they became fírm 
friends and remained so until the end of their lives. 1 

Pallu felt a deep concern for the China mission, which fell 
within his jurisdiction, and Navarrete was equipped to discuss 
the matter as no one else could, so that the Bishop, who was pro- 
foundly impressed by him, concluded their meeting was an act of 
Providence. A voluminous letter-writer, he now poured out the 
warmest praise of Navarrete in a stream of reports to Rome and 
Paris : to Leslie, the Scottish priest who was Cardinal Barberini's 
Chaplain, and Agent of the Scottish bishops, he wrote that he 
had profited by the meeting and felt prepared for his work as a 
result. 2 To the Cardinals of Propaganda Fide, Pallu was more 
enthusiastic : T can scarcely express the joy I have had from our 
conversations, for he [Navarrete] is most experienced in the 
afFairs of China, especially in what pertains to the state of 
Christianity there', adding that Navarrete deserved the title of 
Apostle far more than did many others in the East. 3 

Navarrete was also able to give Pallu news of some of his own 
colleagues, the French members of the Foreign Mission Society, 
and of Portuguese opposition to the French interests then in- 

1 He was still quoting Navarrete in 1681 (A. Launay, Documents bistoriques 
(París, 1905) 167), and in 1680 they were still in touch (R 20). For Pallu's 
Chaplain, Courtaulin, on the meeting of these two, see AME, 972, f. 57-8. 

2 For Pallu as a letter-writer, see Baudiment, 253. For an unsympathetic view of 
Leslie, see Hay. Pallu's letter to Leslie is in Lettres, I, 128-9 ; the 'secunda vía copy 
is to be found in the Blairs Archives, Scotland, and since Pallu often added post- 
scripts to these, the Blairs copy differs, though slightly and insignificantly, from 
that printed in the Lettres. 

3 Pallu, 11, 36-7. 



sinuating themselves into Asia. 1 Another subject of enthralling 
interest was the Cantón Conference. Pallu had already had news 
of the internment through a letter of the French Jesuit Valat 
(AME 426, fF. 23-4) but the Conference and subsequent events 
were new, and he therefore despatched a report of it, as seen by 
Navarrete, to Propaganda Fide (Launay, Documents, l, 68-9). 
One of the questions raised in the Conference was of particular 
interest to both men : the possibility of establishing a native clergy 
in the Asian missions. This was one of the principal aims of the 
Foreign Mission Society and a constant preoccupation of Pallu. 2 
Friar Domingo's discussion of the subject with Pallu had remark- 
able results, for he was able to point out that the Dominicans had 
shown foresight in anticipating the other missionaries by ordaining 
the Chínese Gregory Lo. Navarrete now urged that friar Lo 
should be consecrated fírst Bishop of China, and Pallu was con- 
vinced that this would be a wise move. 

But Pallu was not the only one to benefit by this 'providential 
meeting', for he had news to give Navarrete, and just the sort of 
news he would have wished for. Thirty years earlier, in México, 
Bishop Palafox had shown him Father Morales's treatise on the 
Rites question; more recently, in Cantón, the Franciscan, Santa 
María, had shown him the banned treatise of Father Longobardi ; 
now Pallu was to show him yet another unknown Jesuit memo- 
rándum. The Bishop explained that when he was in Siam some 
years earlier he had met two French Jesuits, Tissanier and Albier, 
who had told him about a Conference held by the China Jesuits 
in Kiating in 1628 — almost forty years to the day before the Cantón 
Conference— for the purpose of discussing the problems of the 
mission. The Kiating meeting had been called by the Visitor, 
Father Palmeiro, at a time when the disunity among the Jesuits 
was most acute, that is, just prior to the entry of the friars into the 
Mission. Longobardi was at this meeting and in several instances 
his viewpoint convinced the Father Visitor. But in the end nothing 

1 The strange tale about Hainques in Pallu, n, 39-40, may have come through 
Navarrete, who, however, makes no mention of it in his own works. 

2 See, for instance, C. M. de Meló, SJ, Recruitment and Formation of the Native 
Clergy in India (Lisbon, 1955), 252-3, 320. 

s 427 


was settled, the controversy continued, and the Jesuits resolved to 
keep the whole business of the conference a secret among them- 
selves. Pallu's two informants begged him not to mention the 
subject to anyone and he had not done so previously, but no 
doubt it seemed to him legitímate to discuss it with Navarrete, 
whom he accepted as an expert able to throw light on these vital 
problems. Pallu gave Navarrete a copy of the report of this 
meeting, and, since the friars had never heard of it before, he later 
published it, 'that all may see the great división there is among the 
Fathers of the Society upon serious issues, though they try in their 
writings to give the opposite impression' (C 109-37). 1 When in 
his writings Navarrete calis upon the Jesuits to follow the policy 
of the veterans of the mission, as being wiser and nearer the truth, 
it is of some of the members of this conference that he was thinking. 
Why the two Jesuits chose to reveal the information to Pallu re- 
mained a question. Navarrete thought it was the will of God ; the 
Jansenists, when their turn carne, agreed that it was 'une espéce de 
miracle'. 2 

The talks between Pallu and Navarrete were frequent, long and 
harmonious, 3 and before he left the island Pallu, having persuaded 
Navarrete to go fírst to Paris, sent off another batch of letters to 
Europe: one, to the Paris headquarters of the Foreign Missions 
Society, informing it that Navarrete would cali on it, ordered that 
he be given all help necessary and assisted on his way to Rome sub- 
sequently. To Richelieu's pious niece, the Duchess d'Aiguillon, 
he wrote much the same : Providence had delayed him in Mada- 
gascar so that he might meet Navarrete, and as a result he now felt 
better prepared for work in the China mission, which was in a 
serious state of disturbance and on the way to ruin. News from 
China, as Pallu realised, was also politically interesting, so he 
despatched a summary of what he had learnt from friar Domingo 

1 The Jesuits who gave the Minutes to Pallu are identified at 'Ends', f. 44. The 
Society's apologists denounced them as a forgery, but this is refuted by Rosso, 
100-2; Biermann, Die Anfánge, 173-4. The papers were, of course, not the official 
copy of the Minutes, but the copy belonging to one of the Jesuits present. 

2 For the meeting of Pallu with Albier and Tissanier, see Chappoulie, 1, 156. 

3 Among the many references to Pallu are: C 207, 208, 309, 316, 33-2, 387, 395» 
401, 402, besides those in the Tratados. 



to Colbert, for the attention of the King, and he obviously hoped 
that Colbert would receive Navarrete when he reached París. 
These recommendations carried weight, for Pallu was highly 
thought of in political quarters, besides being regarded as a saint 
with the gift of miracles. By August, when he left Madagascar 
carrying letters from Navarrete to his Dominican colleagues in the 
East, the Bishop had been completely won over to Navarrete's 
view, although not all the talk had been criticism of the Jesuits, 
for Navarrete had praised the three Jesuits in Peking, 'men out- 
standing for their learning and zeal for souls', and spoken well of 
the French Jesuits he had known, such as Valat and Rougemont. 1 

Ñor did the reluctant Lazarists regret having given a lodging to 
Navarrete. Indeed he seems to have had a talent for pleasing the 
French. The local superior, Fr Ignace-Marin Roguet, wrote on 
26 October 1671, just before Navarrete left, explaining to his 
Superior-General in Paris how he had had to accommodate 
Bishop Pallu and 'could not refuse receiving a good Religious, a 
Spaniard coming from China where he had been Superior of 
the Dominican mission', because the Bishop had wanted to get 
information from him about China. Roguet then went on to 
describe the edifying example set them by Navarrete during his 
three months living there. Since he was going to Paris on business, 
he had promised the Lazarists that he would cali on their 
Superior-General, and Roguet warmly recommended him as a 
source of reliable information, not only on China but on the 
Madagascar mission also, about which he would be able to say 
more than all their letters. 'He is not a roving, gadabout Religious, 
like many others, but a venerable man of very sound judgement, 
and punctilious (regulier) in the last degree.' 2 

Pallu and Navarrete had said good-bye but they were destined 
to meet again. The Bishop continued his journey East and in 1674 
reached the Philippines, where a storm forced him to land. From 
the beginning the Spanish authorities there regarded him with 
suspicion, and when a rumour went about that he had come to 

1 AME 107, ff. 209-10; 856, f. 499; FF m, 273 ; Pallu, 1, 135 ; n, 37, 206-7, 
350; 352. 

2 Mémoires, ix, 576. 



foment a rising with Dominican help there were officials ready to 
believe the incredible story. On 27 October he was placed under 
open arrest. The original reason for his arrest may have been polit- 
ical (the Dominican Master-General thought so),butother reasons 
accumulated. He was said to be a Jansenist as well as a spy, 
and when his paperswere seized they were found toinclude a num- 
ber of incriminating documents, one of which was a complaint 
by a friar about the Governor of the Philippines. The Jesuits, 
too, were involved and sent a catalogue of the papers in Pallu's 
possession to Rome, from which it seems that he had with him a 
number of adverse reports on the Society and also, for he was a 
man who loved secrets, was carrying a code in which the Society 
was referred to as 'Berenice'. 1 The Jesuits' attitude towards the 
Vicars-Apostolic, and other circumstantial evidence, led some 
people to believe that they were behind the arrest. The Bishop 
himself thought so, and for friar Domingo it was merely a repeti- 
tion of the Palafox story, this time, however, in a minor key. The 
Governor of the Philippines explained to Madrid why he had 
ordered the arrest (AGI, Filipinas 305) and at the same time the 
news reached Rome, whereupon the Dominican Master-General 
instantly ordered Navarrete, as Procurator of the Philippine 
Province, to take all possible steps to help Pallu. Navarrete wrote 
urgently to the Dominicans in the Philippines, conferred with the 
Royal Confessor, a fellow-Dominican, and submitted a report to 
the Council of the Indies defending the Vicars-Apostolic, 
pointing out from personal experience the dangers of the Manila 
coast and how easily a ship might be driven to take shelter there 
in a storm, without there being any ulterior motive behind such 
action (AGI, Filipinas 305). As the news spread, concern and 
indignation spread with it. Louis XIV wrote to the Pope, and to 
the Jesuit General, while the Cardinals of Propaganda Fide were 
even moved to send Pallu a gift of money through the Nuncio in 
Madrid. The Spanish Government, alarmed by the reaction, 
despatched orders that Pallu was to be sent to Spain, where he 
arrived at the end 0(1676 to find the Spaniards desperately anxious 

1 AROP iv, 147, f. 269; ARSI, JapSin 162, ff. 378-83 ; AGN, Inquisición 
438, ff. 263-84. Pallu, 1, 134, 295 ; II, 44, 50,296. C 103, 608,625. 



to make amends. When he reached Madrid on 18 January 1677, 
the Papal Nuncio, Count Medellín, President of the Council of 
the Indies, and Navarrete, waited upon him, the latter with 
letters and sums of money for him. 

The whole incident had been embarrassing for the Govern- 
ment, but it was quickly smoothed over. And in this operation 
Navarrete, as a friend of Pallu, was a useful go-between and 
mediator. Within a short time Pallu, lodged in the Madrid 
convent of the calced Trinitarians, was writing to his Paris head- 
quarters that the afFair had been happily concluded. He bore the 
Spanish no resentment and, overwhelmed with kindnesses, tried 
in his turn to please them, so that when they insisted on taking 
him to visit the Escorial he went 'more to please these gentlemen 
than for my own satisfaction'. 1 

Meantime for the next three months he and Navarrete were able 
to mull over oíd and new events. Pallu's indignation against the 
Philippine Jesuits was not likely to be calmed by Navarrete ; and 
when, for example, Pallu could relate how he had been denounced 
by Father Luis Pimentel to the Mexican Inquisition, Navarrete 
could cap this by revealing that Pimentel, whom he knew per- 
sonally, had, the previous year, denounced the friars of China and 
the Vicars-Apostolic to the same Inquisition (C 98). What 
Navarrete did not know was that Pimentel had also pointed him 
out to Rome as the fiercest opponent of the China Jesuits (ARSI, 
JapSin 163, f. 9). 

On 31 January a meeting was held in the Trinitarian monas- 
tery at which the problems of the mission were discussed, and 
Navarrete took the opportunity to get Pallu to re-affirm 'in the 
presence of worthy witnesses' that the minutes of the Kiating 
meeting had been given to him by Fathers Tissanier and Albier 
('Ends\ f. 44). 

The Pallu affair had two important results for Navarrete. First, 
it occurred just after the appearance of Cortés Osorio's ill- 
informed attack on him and just after he had been denounced to 
the Madrid Inquisition; when, in addition, he was receiving 

1 AME 6, f. 402, 427; 202, f. 105 ; Pallu, n, 96, 296, 358, 362. Chappoulie, u, 
1-5 ; Baudiment, 318-23. 



letters from friars in China (and from friars who had been pre- 
vented from entering China) which showed that conditions there 
had not improved, and might, even, be thought worse. 1 In 
January 1677, then, his temper might be expected to be at its 
warmest. And this, of course, coincided with the beginning of 
the writing of the Controversias. If this background of events be 
considered, it is possible to understand the anger and bitterness 
evident in parts of that work, and it is easier to appreciate what a 
modern sympathizer means when he describes the Controversias as 
being of a 'modérate tenor' (Rosso, 125, i02n.). Secondly, in his 
double role of friend of Pallu and agent for the Dominican 
Master-General, the affair had brought him into contact with 
important members of the Council of the Indies; in an awkward 
situation he had shown ability and resourcefulness, and a few 
months later, when they needed a man with those qualities for the 
Archbishopric of Santo Domingo, they were to remember him. 
It also, in a lesser way, established him as a link between the new 
French missionaries, the Vicars-Apostolic, and the China mis- 
sion (AME, 858, f. 195 ; 103, f. 2ji). % 

1 Friar Varo, for example, was still reporting at the end of 1671 that for the 
Jesuits 'the door is open but it is ever closed to all the rest\ and in 1673 it was the 
same story : only Jesuits can enter China by way of Macao (CASA 1074, ff. 290, 
298-9). The Franciscans, at this same period, make similar complaints and friar 
Ibáñez declared that the Jesuits would not let friars attend their converts even when 
the latter were sick {SinFran, ni, 89: and see also 70, 100, 102, 116, 132, 139, 

2 Father Pimentel, who accused Pallu of Jansenism, appears to have believed that 
he and the Dominicans were plotting to have the Jesuits expelled from their Asian 
missions (Newberry Library, Chicago, Arco transcripts, III, 678). The Domini- 
cans had aroused suspicions not only by corresponding with the French Bishops 
but also by allowing a visiting French priest to study Chínese in their Manila 
priory; they defended themselves vigorously against these accusations, but when 
Pallu was under arrest in Manila not even the Dominican Inquisitor was allowed 
to interview him unless a Jesuit was present (AGN, Inquisición 438, ff. 263-84; 
1548, ff. 189-91). The measure of Spanish mistrust may be seen in references to 
Pallu as the 'self-styled Bishop of Heliopolis'. Extraordinary precautions were 
taken so that Pallu should not see any Spanish fortifications or defences and he was 
not allowed to pass through México City or Puebla on his way to Spain. Despite 
this he was seen asking questions and making notes in Acapulco, and the Warden 
there warned that if he ever reached France the result would be a French attack on 
the Manila Galleon. As a result his papers were confiscated (AGN, Historia 389, 




Navarrete's remark that the 'little Governor' of Santa Helena was 
at odds with his Parson is well borne out by the manuscript 
records and letters in the India Office, London. 1 In fact, Cony 
seems to have been at odds with practically everyone in the island 
and his kindness to Navarrete was not in character. Shortly before, 
he had mistreated even English sea-captains, 'threatening to beat 
some of them . . . takeing another of them by the Coller . . . telling 
them in common they had nothing to do ashore, and might goe 
on board and finish their Prowleings if they would'. Two months 
earlier a Portuguese captain had been harshly treated, and the 
islanders feared that this behaviour would gain them a bad 
reputation. Ñor did they themselves fare much better, for Cony 
'would not let them have soe much as a little Butter, and Cheese 
or milk from the Dairie, for their tendr. Babes, though he would 
sell abundance too the portugalls and other fforeigners to his own 
proñY. And the unhappy islanders concluded that 'never were 
Compa. & people soe gen'lly slighted and abused since St 
Hellena was St Hellena as they have bin by this Govr. to this 
day'. 2 Cony was interested in religión, and this may have been 
one reason why he got on so well with friar Domingo, for he had 
few others to talk to about anything and was just then in the 
middle of a bitter quarrel with his own Chaplain, Noakes. The 
two were busy denouncing each other to the East India Com- 
pany's headquarters in London, and according to Cony, Chap- 
lain Noakes was a 'person scandlous to ye Ministry in his life and 
conversation & a seditious troublesome person' whohad 'preached 
treason, sedition, schisme & heresy in a certain sermón'. He was 

1 For an account of the island at this period, see G. C. Kitching, 'The Loss and 
Recapture of St Helena, 1673', Marinas Mirror, xxxvi (1950), 58-68. 

2 IOL, Original Correspondence, (1673), v. 35, Item 3681, ff. 1-4. 

43 3 


also, 'a non-Conformist to ye Church of England though a 
parson yt doth baptize, burry, marry, but ye Govr. having 
pressed him severall times to administer ye blessed Communion 
to ye inhabitants he declared yt ye inhabitants of ye Island were 
not capable of receiving it\ Parson Noakes, on his side, de- 
nounced the Governor for pocketing official funds, suppressing 
liberty, and displaying 'insolence and opposition to, and derision 
of us, both in words and farargo after ye Spanish mode\ adding 
that he 'hath lett fall dangerous Expressions and withall is very 
careless of the safety and defence of ye island'. After Navarrete's 
visit matters carne to a head when the locáis decided to depose 
Cony, declaring 'to all persons to whom these presents shall 
concern, we, ye poor distressed inhabitants, send greetings ... ye 
present Govr. Richd. Cony Esquire doth all things contrary . . . 
we doe declare that we think him not a person fit to be intrusted 
in ye place of Govern'. 1 

1 IOL, Original Correspondence, (1673), V. 35, Item 3662, f. 1; Item 3669, 
f. 1 ; Item 3665, f. 1 ; Item 3670, f. 1 ; Item 3681, f. 3. 



(BNM Raros 2012) 

SOCIETY OF JESUS. / a work very useful and 
necessary for all missioners. / By the Reverend Friar 
Master Domingo Fern. Naverrete, / Professor of Morning Classes 
in the College and University of / St Thomas in Manila, 
Apostolick Missioner in Great china, / Vicar-Provincial and 
sometime Superior of his Order in that / Mission, and Procurator- 
General of the Province of the Holy / Rosary in the Philippines, 
of the Order of Preachers. / ^[ Dedicated to our most Holy Father 
Innocent XI, who now rules the / Church, to the Sacred 
Congregations of the Holy Office, and of / Propaganda Fide, and 
to the Holy Tribunal of the General Inquisition / of the King- 
doms of spain. 




(BNP MS esp. 155) 



missions OF china and japan. / By the Reverend Master 
Friar Domingo Fernández Navarrete / Professor of Morning 
Classes in the College and University of / st thomas at 
manila. Apostolick Missioner in china Superior / of those of 
his Mission and Procurator-General at the Court of / madrid 
for the Province of the Holy Rosary in the philippine / 
Islands, of the Order of Preachers. 

[Below, left: Stamp] Bib. Sainte Genevieve. [Below, right: 
Stamp] Bib. Imperiale / [Below, centred:] With Permission. / 
In Madrid. At the Royal PrintingHouseby Juan García Infancon, 
/ At the cost of Florian Anisson, Book-Seller. / 1679, 



(BNP MS esp. 155) 

The Book-seller To the Godly and Curious Reader. 

Dear Reader, you'll ask me, perhaps, why this second Tome of 
the Illustrious Navarrete comes thus crippled, and without title 
or frontispiece, without its due prologues, approbations, licences, 
and all the rest that the fírst Volume had when it carne forth 
from my Printing-house some three or four years ago; for this 
second Volume brings the same doctrine, as did that fírst, and 
those same truths that were so well received by all that love the 
Law of God and hunger for the true conversión of the heathen of 
Japan and China &c. I beg you'll not accuse me for this, since I 
do not fail in any part of my Office, rather printing faithfully 
all that the Author handed over and left me until, having once 
more set out from Spain, he was obliged to leave to another's 
care the printing of this Volume, of the third, and of the rest that 
he had prepared for the Printer, as shall be seen from this second 
volume. And he embarked for Santo Domingo, of which his 
Majesty charles ii, whom God preserve, had named him 
Archbishop and after his fírst Volume had been published with 
the satisfaction and protection of his Highness, the most Serene 
Prince, don John of Austria, Grand Prior of St John in the 
Kingdoms of Castille and León, Member of the Council of 
State, General of the Sea, Vicar-General of Aragón, and the 
other Dominions thereof, &c, to whom the Author dedicated his 
fírst Volume and would have dedicated this second had not the 
Prince died before its printing was completed. For the Prince, 



don John of Austria, had been called to the Court of Madrid 
by his Majesty by whom he was loved and favoured as a brother, 
to the grievance and regret only of his enemies ; and there, in the 
flower and strength of his days, he died upon the i7th September 
1679 at the age of 50 years. And with him there died also the 
protection of this book and of the truths contained therein ; and 
his enemies, taking spirit at the sudden favour that, as a result of 
that death, they now had in the Court and in the Supreme 
Council of the Inquisition; and its Author, moreover, being 
absent this long time in his Diocese of Santo Domingo in the 
Indies, they obtained that the work should be removed from the 
Printing-house, suppressing the book and carrying away all the 
copies and loóse sheets of it that were found ; and these all re- 
mained in the hands of the Ministers of the Holy Inquisition and 
in those of others opposed to, and envious of the Author and his 
book, except for a few that were already in the hands of lovers of 
that Truth that was hated by his enemies; and it is they, dear 
Reader, that you must blame, and not the Author, ñor me, for 
that this book comes to you halt and lame, without brow, feet, 
head, beginning, or end. Weep, then, for the hurt and misfor- 
tune done to Truth, and rejoice, giving thanks to God, over your 
good fortune for that a safe copy, such as this of ours, comes thus 
into your hands. 

Fare thee well. 



(i) Navarrete's principal works 

T Tratados / históricos ¡ políticos, etbicos ¡ y religiosos de la monarchia / de China / 
descripción breve / de aquel imperio, y exemplos raros / de emperadores, y magis' 
irados del ¡ con narración difusa de varios sucessos, / y cosas singulares de otros 
reynos, / y diferentes navegaciones. ¡ Añadense los decretos pontificios, \ y pro* 
posiciones calificadas en Roma para la mission / Chinica: y una Bula de 
N. M. S. P. Clemente X. en favor de los ¡missionarios. Por el P. maestro fr. 
Domingo Fernandez Navarrete, \ Cathedratico de Prima del Colegio y 
Universidad de S. Thomas de Manila, ¡ Missionario Apostólico de la gran 
China, Prelado de los de su Mission, / y Procurador General en la Corte de 
Madrid de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de Filipinas, Orden de Predicadores, / 
Dedica su obra ¡ al serenissimo señor don Juan de Austria, / año i6j6, con 
privilegio / en Madrid: En la imprenta real. Por Juan Garda Infanzón / a costa 
de Florian Anisson, mercader de libros. [See above, pp. lxxxiv-civ ; cxv-cxx. 
The English translation of Bk. VI is printed in the present volume.] 

C Controversias Antiguas y modernas entre los Missionarios de la gran China 
Repartidas en nueve tratados con lo que toca al culto y beneracion que el chino 
da a su Protho maestro Confucio y a sus progenitores difuntos con respuesta a 
diversos tratados de los Pes. de la Compañía de Jesús. Obra mui útil y necessaria 
para todos los Missionarios por el Domingo Fern. Navarrete Cathedratico 
de prima del collegio y universidad de S. Thomas de Manila Missionario 
Apostólico de la gran China Vicario Provincial y veses Prelado de los de su mission 
y Procurador General de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de Philippinas orden 
de Predicadores. A nro. santissimo P. Innocencio XI que oi rige la Iglesia y sus 
sacras congregaciones del Santo Officio, de Propaganda Fide, y tribunal santo de 
la general Inquisición de los reinos de España, tomo 2. [Partially printed, 
Madrid, 1679 ; but never published. See above, pp. civ-cx.] 

'Ends' The MS of the unprinted conclusión of the Controversias; it is 
bound inside the back cover of the copy of the printed Controversias 
in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Raros 2012. [See below, pp. cx- 

R 'Ratificación de verdades, y retractación de engaños dirigida al enten- 
dimiento del Lector, no a la voluntad.' [BNM, MS 7522. See above, 
p. cxii. 

The list above includes those works by Navarrete which have been used as 
the basis of the present edition. His other writings are listed and described in 
the Introduction, pp. cxii-cxiv above. 



(ü) Manuscripts 

Archives du Séminaire des Missions Étrangéres de París (AME) 
Vols. 6, 103, 107, 121, 280, 426, 476, 858, 972. 

Archivo general de Indias, Seville (AGI) 
Contratación 5441, 5539. 
Contaduría general 373 B. 
Indiferente general 2873 
Filipinas 5, 81, 86, 305, 330 A, 1051. 
Santo Domingo 3, 65, 72, 79, 84, 93, 94, 98, 316, 874, 875. 

Archivo general de Simancas (AGS) 
Dirección general del Tesoro Legajo 25. 

Archivum Cong. de Propaganda Fide, Rome (APF) 
Acta vol. 44. 

Scrit. rif. cong. generali. vols. 145, 193. 

Archivo histórico nacional, Madrid (AHN) 
Clero legajos 7634, 7635, 7638, 7852. 
Inquisición 4440.13. 

Archivo general de la nación, México City (AGN) 
Californias 26. 
Hacienda 600-68, 600-206. 
Historia 389. 

Inquisición4i9,438,442,446,447, 585, 1480, 1548. 
Reales Cédulas n-iv, vil, viii, xm-xv, xvn, xix, xxi, lii. 

Arquivo histórico do Estado da India Portuguesa, Coa (COA) 
Livros das Moncoes do Reino Nos. 28, 36, 53. 
Livro dos Regimentos e Instrucoes No. 4. 
Ordens Regias No. 3- 

Archivum Ordinis Praedicatorum, Manila (AOPM) 
Vols. 28, 73- 

MS History of the Province by fray Juan de los Angeles. 
Libro de consejos de provincia. 

Archivum Romanum Ordinis Praedicatorum, Rome (AROP) 
Registers iv, 142, 145, 146, 147, 154, 156, 157, 169. 
Vol. x, 2569. 



Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Rome (ARSI) 
Fondo Gesuitico 841 
JapSin 109-10. 

JapSin 162-164 (SinaEpistolae, 1652-90). 

NR 1 3 . 1 . Novi Regni et Quito, Annuae lit. com. gestorum, 1 65 5-93. 
Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome (CASA) 

Vols. 1070, 1074. 
Biblioteca nacional, Madrid (BNM) 

MSS. 3034, 7522, 18,553(7) ; Sección de raros 2012. 
Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon (AJUDA) 

Cod. 49-V-12, Jesuítas na Asia. 
Biblioteca Vittorio-Emmanuele, Rome (BVE) 

Fondo Gesuitico 1250(3) ; Fondo Gesuitico 1250(5). 
Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris (BNP) 

MSSespagnols 155, 381,409 
British Museum, London (BM) 

Additional MSS 13,992, 16,933, 17,627, 26,818. 
Embajada de España cerca de la Santa Sede Madrid (EESS) 

Legajo 116. 
India Office, London (IOL) 

5 Mas. 41. 

Original Correspondence (1673), vols. 33 and 35. 
Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid (RAH) 

9/2667-8, 9/2664. 
Vadean Archives (VAT) 

Processus Consistorialis 81 ; Acta Cameralia 23. 

(iii) Printed works 

Acosta, José de. Historia natural y moral de las Indias. Madrid, 1954. 

De Procuranda Indorum Salute. Salamanca, 1589. 

Acta Capitulorum Provinciae S. Rosarii. 3 vols. Manila, 1874-6. 
Addis, W. E., and Arnold, T. A Catholic Dictionary. London, 1917. 
Aduarte, Diego. Historia de la Provincia . . . de la Orden de Predicadores en 

Pbilipinas. Manila, 1640. 
'A True Report of the Difficukies of Conducting Religious to the 

Philippines' [1605], in Blair and Robertson, xiv, 90-108. 
Affonso, Gaspar. 'Relacao da Viagem' [1596], in B. Gomes de Brito, 
Historia Tragico'Maritima, 11. Lisbon, 1736. 



Alcocer, L. J. 'Relación de Santo Domingo'. BAGN, v (1942), 28-101. 
Almeida, F. de. Historia da Igreja em Portugal. 4 vols. Coimbra, 1910-22. 
Alonso, M. Enciclopedia del idioma. 3 vols. Madrid, 1958. 
Antonio, N. Bihliotheca hispana nova. 2 vols. Madrid, 1788. 
Apología pro decreto Alexandri VIL Louvain, 1700. 

Apologie des Dominicains, Missionaires de la Chine, ou Réponse au livre du P. 

Tellier,Jésuite, intitulé: Déjense des nouveaux Chrétiens [by N. Alexandre, 

OP]. Cologne, 1699. 
Arasaratnam, S. Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1658-87. Amsterdam, 1958. 
'Some aspects relating to the establishment and growth of European 

settlements along the Tamil coast in the seventeenth century.' Tamil 

Culture, vn (1958), 1-15. 
Arquivos de Macau. 4 vols. Macao, 1929-41. [A collection of seventeenth- 

century documents printed according to the copies made in the 

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.] 
Astley, T. A New Collection of Voy ages. 4 vols. London, 1745-7. 
Azevedo, J. L. de. A Evolufao do Sebastianismo. Lisbon, 1916. 
Barbosa Machado, D. Biblioteca Lusitana. 4 vols. Lisbon, 1930-35. 
Barlow's Journal. Transcribed by B. Lubbock. 2 vols. London, 1934. 
Baudiment, L. Frattfois Pallu. París, 1934. 

Behr, J. von der. Diarium or Day Book, in R. R. Hart, Germans in Dutch 

Ceylon. Colombo, 1953. 
Benavente, A. de. Itinerario. Ed. by M. Merino as 'El alistamiento 

misionero en el siglo XVII'. MH, 11 (1945), 291-364. 
Beristáin de Souza, J. M. Biblioteca hispanoamericana septentrional . . . 

(i$2i'i8$o). 3rd ed. 8 vols. México, 1947. 
Bernier, F. Travels in the Mogul Empire, 1656-68. Ed. A. Constable. 

London, 1914. 

Bettray, J. Die Akkommodationsmethode des P. Matteo Rica, SJ, in China. 
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The abbreviation N. refers to Navarrete througbout. 
Volunte II begins on page 165. 

abacá (musa textilis), in Philippines, 81 
Abdul Hasan Qutb Sháh, 3 30 n 
'Abdullah Qutb Sháh, King of 

Golconda, 330; his palace, his con- 

cubines, 314; fears assassination, 

313 n; and the Macara affair, 324; 

intervenes in bishopric dispute, 303 ; 

defends friar from Inquisition, 302 n ; 

sends an embassy to Macassar, 1 14 
Acapulco, México, N. in, xxi, 32, 38- 

44; is expensive, 32 n, 38-9, 43; 

disastrous fire in, 40-1 ; its port 

praised, 38 ; Pallu in, 432 
Acosta, José de, SJ, Ixxviii, 15, 30 
Afonso VI, King of Portugal, 265, 

294 n 

agriculture, in Philippines, 56, 95-8 ; in 
China, praised, 56, 78 ; methods, 
159-60; in Santo Domingo, ne- 
glected, 408 

Aigle d'Or, French East Indiaman, N. 
sails in, xxv, xxvi, 339 n; her crew 
lost, 364 n 

Ajonjolí, 196 

Albier, Pierre, SJ, 427-8, 43 1 
Alexander VII, Pope, decrees of, 124, 

alligators, in Philippines, 64-5 
Almeida, Joao Ferreira de, 282-3 
Almonte, Pedro de, Colonel, 62, 101 
Altieri, Paluzzo, Cardinal, 332, 374 
Ambanvela Rale, chief in Ceylon, 292 
Amboina, Dutch in, 385-6 
ananas, in México, and Malacca, 96 
ancestor-veneration, missionaries ac- 

cused of neglecting, 247 
Angeles, Juan de los, OP, 373, 423 n 
Angelis, Michael de, see Anjos, Manoel 


Angkor, N.'s report to Madrid, 382-3 

Anjos, Manoel dos, historian, 212 n, 

77, 154, 266, 268, 273, 301 
Anjos, Miguel dos, Vicar-General of 

Macao, 255, 273 
Apanguiel, friary in, 50 
Armenians, term defined, 325 n 
Arnauld, Antoine, learns Spanish, ex 
art, Christian, shocks Chinese, 162 n 
Ascensión Island, post-office at, 360 
Asians, are not barbarians, 147-8; 

shocked by European Catholics, 268 
atheism, coconuts an antidote for, 98 n 
Atlantic, sailing times, 19 n 
Augeri, Humbert, SJ, Ixxviii, c, 199, 

205, 206, 258 
Augustinians, find nature cures, 25; 

Recollects in Philippines, 75 
Aurangzíb, Mogul Emperor, im- 

prisons father, 329 
autobiography, rare in Spanish, xxviii, 

xc, cüi 

Aveiro, Duke of, Inquisitor-General, 
369, 37i 

Aveiro y Arcos, Duchess of, meets N., 

Ayala, Lorenzo de, 62 
Azevedo, Manuel de, SJ, 113 
Azua, in Santo Domingo, 406 

Badajoz, 255 

baguio, 43, 380 

Bahádur Sháh, 329 n 

baiócco, valué of, 198 n 

Balaian (Balayan), 90 

Balat, Jean, SJ, see Valat 

Baldeschi Colonna, Federico, xxvi, 371 

Balladares, Captain, death of, 23-4 

banyan, term defined, 307 n 

bar a (vara), term defined, 3 3 3 n 

barbarians, Asians are not, 235; 



Chinese regard Europeans as, 235, 

Barberini, Cardinal, and N., xxvi, 369, 

Barom Reachea VI, King of Cam- 

bodia, 383 
bastinado, punishment in China, 194- 

195» 38o 

Basto, Pedro de, SJ, his 'Revelations', 


Bataan, Philippines, N. in, 63 ; N. 

finds Li Chi in, 74 ; N. finds polter- 

geist in, 88 
Batangas, Bay of, 87 
batatas, in Philippines, 76, 77, 81 
baths, bathing, missionaries cautious of, 

59; N. on, 94 
Bay (Bai), Lake, 50 ; alligators in, 65 
Bayle, Pierre, on Spanish writers, xxxiv 
Beato, Lázaro, ship's master, 21 
Beauvollier, A. de, SJ, 1 
Bengal, xci 

Benítez, Pedro, OP, 23 n 
'Berenice', code-name for Jesuits, 430 
Berlanga, scandalous officer in, 17 
bezoar-stones, 98 

Bible, some texts inapplicable to China, 

bichara, term defined, xc, 3 86 n 
Binangonan, friars at, 50 
bird ofparadise, in Macassar, 116 
birds' nests, edible, in Philippines, 92-3 
blasphemy, penalty for, in Spanish 

ships, 21 
blood-sucking leeches, 49, 82, 89 
body-lice, disappear abroad, 24-5 
Bolívar y Cruz, Juan de, 101 
Bombay, Jesuits oppose English at, 


Bona, Cardinal, and N., 370, 372-3 
books, care of, 31 n; by Chinese, 151- 

2; and the China mission, 186, 

193 n 

Bool, Célebes, N. at, 106 

Bort, Baltasar, Governor of Malacca, 

xxiv, xxxi, 281-5 
boxio, term defined, 403 
Boya, in Santo Domingo, 405 

Brancati (Brancato), Francesco, SJ, 
244; casts out English Civil War 
devil, xcvi; arrested, 206, 225; 
flees Cantón detenüon-centre, 230-1 ; 
defends Jesuits, cvi, 417-19, 420 

Bretéche, Jean, Captain, 352 

Buddhism, xlii 

buffalo, in Philippines, 79-80, 95 
Buglio, Ludovico, SJ, lxxi, 240, 258 ; 

attends dying Coronado, lxxviii, 

243 ; on Marüni's Atlas Sinettsis, 218 ; 

rebukes Gouveia and Costa, 206 
bull-fights, mock, at sea, 22-3 ; equated 

with hari-Vari, 148 ; in México, 35 ; in 

Santo Domingo, 408 n 
Bullo, Ludovico, SJ, see Buglio 

Caballero de Medina, Sebastián, 57, 

Caballeros de la Batida, Order of, 153 n 
Cabo negro, 8 1 

Cabrera, Diego Antonio, 61 
cacatúa, 116 

Cachupines, defined, 367 n 

Cada uno es hijo de sus obras, 69 

Calamianes Islands, 93 

Calvinists, a model for Iberian Catho- 

lics, 357 
Cambay, 384 

Cambodia, 381; and Philippines 
trade, 93, 382; Portuguese refugees 
in, 268 

'Cambodia Ship', the, 91, ior, 382 
Camote, in Philippines, 81 
Camucones, raid Philippines, 75, 83, 
85, 90 

Canarin, term defined, 302 n 

Canary Island immigrants and N., 

xxxvii, 407 n 
Canevari, Pietro, SJ, 257, 258 
Canullana, N. in, 18 
Cantón, N. in (1659), 138; N. in 

(1665), 229; N. writes to Jesuit 

General from, lxxvi 
— internment of missionaries in, 229- 

52, 413—24; life during internment, 

230 ff.; missionaries in, xxiv, xxxiii; 

gossip in, 266-7; three periods in, 



230-2; newspaper reading in, 237; 
Portuguese ambassador and, 234, 
265; Brancati flees, 230-1; Jesuits 
plan to leave secretly, 231-2; N. 
baited by Jesuits in, c; Intorcetta 
leaves, 232; N. leaves secredy, xxiv, 
xcv, 250, 421 ; his departure com- 
mented on, 373, 422-4; conference 
during internment, cv, 185, 413-15, 

Capillas, Francisco Fernández de, OP, 

martyr, 166 
Capuchins (Order of Friars Capuchin ; 

OFMCap.), in India, 298; in 

Madagascar, 346, 354, 425; in 

Persia, 332 
Caraga, in Mindanao, 75 
Cárdenas, Rodrigo de, OP, Bishop, 

67, 91 

Carmelite friars, in México, 30; in 

Persia, 331, 332 n 
carocoa, sailing vessel, 90 
Carón, Francois, Director-General of 

French East India Co., xci; be- 

friends N., xxv, xxxi, 338-9; and 

Macara, 327; on Dutch capture of 

Negombo, 294 
Carré, Abbé, and N. 3 3 8 n 
Carroro, fights Dutch, 385 
Casa Branca, Macao, 264 n, 269 
Casanata, Cardinal, meets N., 370 
Case, M. de la, death, 352 
Castejón, Joseph de, 34 
Castro, Antonio Meló de, Viceroy of 

Coa, 396 n 
catamarán, xc; at Cape Comorin, 


Catholics, worse than heathen, 175-7; 

heathen Chínese better than, 138; 

Asian converts better than European, 

59 ; converts and cradle-Catholics to 

be kept apart, 175-6 
Cattle, in Philippines, 92 ; new species 

produced, 95 ; in Madagascar, 348 
Cavite, 91, 92 

Célebes, xci ; N. in, 106-25 1 animáis, 
fruit, trees, in, 110; trading centre, 
no, 113 ; natives wear paper clothes 

111, 1 10 ; transvestites in, 109 ; mourn- 
ing customs in, 107, 118 

Ceylon, 366, 378 ; N. in, xxiv, 289-94; 
coinage, N. recommends, 294; its 
strategic importance, 291 ; precious 
stones, 291 ; rice, fruit, spices in, 291- 
2; elephants of, xci, 291; Dutch 
in, li, 124, 289-95 ; Portuguese in, 
124-5, 2<56 > 289-90 ; Portuguese lose, 
266, 289; Carón on capture of 
Negombo, 294; Kandyan rebellion, 
292 n, 294 n 

Ch'üan-chou (Civen Cheu), in Fu- 
chien province, 143 

'chair of morning classes' in Spanish 
universiues, 3 n 

Champmargou, Governor of Mada- 
gascar, 351 

Chang-chau (Chang cheu), in Fu- 
chien province, 141-2 

Chao lieh-u, Emperor of China, 351 

Charles II, King of Spain, xxvii, 402, 

chata, defined, 391 n 

Ché-kiang, Ming-Manchu war in, 
141 ; N. posted to, 181 

Chi-ning (Zi Ning), 207 

Chin-hua (Kin Hoa), in Ché-kiang 
province, 184, 197 

China, N. determined to exalt, 138 n; 
praised, 130-230 passim, 239, 351, 
366, 374, 379-80; N.'s latís Sinae, 
137-8 ; N. obsessed by, 379 ; was the 
Garden of Edén, 366; is Biblical 
Land of Promise, 137-8; Biblical 
distinctions do not apply to, 173 ; is 
a land of examples, 140, 208; is 
Utopia, xix, xxxv, lxxxvi-vii, ci-ii, 
7, 16, 137-8; its wonders and the 
cuento chino, xciii, see also travellers' 
tales ; not properly known in Europe, 
137; ambassadors should be sent to, 
235 n, 273 ; and pre-Romanuc move- 
ment, cii; beggars of, 157; model 
Emperors of, 157; food, drink, pro- 
visions are ampie, 150-1, 195-6, 197, 
198, 207, 227; jails of, praised, 199- 
202; lawcourts of, 193; soldiers of, 



praised, 138, 144-5; also China 
and Spain, Chinese 
China mission, Spanish kings and 
Jesuit monopoly of, 377, 384-5; 
Jesuits of, compared to those of 
México, 31 
'China Road', in México, 3 3 
China root, in Malacca, 284 n 
China and Spain (Chinese and 
Spaniards) compared, xxxiv, lxxxvi- 
vii, 18, 173, 197; agricultural 
policy and practice, 56, 78 ; bridges, 
183; customs-posts, excisemen, 183— 
184, 374; examination systems, 153 ; 
ferries, 18 ; government officials, 197; 
humaneness, 140; inns, 17, 146; 
jails and prisoners, 199-203 ; roads, 
travel, highwaymen, 16, 17, 140, 
182-3; moral standards, 239; piety, 
18, 100; soldiers, 16, 351, 379-80; 
students, schools, 15, 151, 153; 
theatre, 239; colonial governments 
(Tartar and Philippine) compared, 

Chinapella Mirza, blockades Madras- 
tapatam, 297 n 

Chinese, N.'s high opinión of, lxvii; 
superior to other nations, 203 ; 
superior to Hebrews, 173 ; not 
barbarians, 18, 145, 147-8, 173 ; re- 
gard Europeans as barbarians, 235; 
their natural agnosticism, xlii, 137, 
246-7; art, 154; civility, honesty, 
politeness, 173, 202, 206, 189-90; 
cities are well-conducted, 204 ; clean- 
liness, 151; converts are better than 
Spanish Catholics, 59; etiquette and 
table-manners, 172, 216; examina- 
tions, 153, 174; Emperors, as models, 
56, 78 ; fishermen are ingenious, 227- 
8 ; government, attitude to military, 
146; government a model to the 
world, 146, 238; history, Western 
sources and, cxiv; ingenuity, 151, 
154-5; Uterati, 153; 'long-haired', 
142 n; noble peasants, 173 ; proverb, 
xxxi, 71 ; their reactions to Chris- 
tianity, 158; are scandalized by 

Christians, 175-7, 273; edified by 
Spaniards on one occasion, 102; 
roads, 16, 182-3; sodomites, 148, 
229 n; soldiers, praised, 16, 138-47 
passim, 183-4, 379-8o; students, 
schools, 15, 151, 153; are the 
'Teachers of the Faithful', 145; 
workmen, their skill, 154-5; in 
Philippines, 50, 68, 78, 86, 196; 
hoax missionaries, 176 n ; their trades, 
99n-ioon; ill-treated, 142; rebel 
(in 1639), 61 ; love ofreading, 15 1-2 ; 
often kill girl children, 179-80; in 
Goa, 337 n; never in Macassar, 111 ; 
in Malacca, 285; visitor in Rome 
forbidden to see Dominicans, 168; 
conversions require a miracle, 177; 
cult (cbinoiserie), xxxv, ci-ü 
Chinese language, N. studies, 168-9, 
413 ; N.'s writings in, 170, 185, 186; 
N. on difficulty of, 10; Martini on 
difficulty of, 168 ; friars not ignorant 
of, 169 n 

Chinese women, their modesty and 
industry, 147, 155, 161, 165, 189, 
201, 203, 217; their subjection, 161 ; 
footbinding custom, 162 n; mar- 
riage-customs, 161 

Chinese religious beliefs, xlii, lxix- 
xxi; appear at once atheistic and 
idolatrous, lxv ; tend to agnosticism, 
xlii ; tend to syncretism, xxxviii, 249 ; 
confusing terminology of, lxv-vi; 
and confused view of Christianity, 
lxxi; N. denounced for his exposi- 
tion of, xcvii; are superstitious, Ixx, 
190; Europeans do not fully under- 
stand, 247; missionaries' difFering 
views of, lxiv ; alleged Judaic origins 
of, lxviii, 248 n ; linked to Catholi- 
cism by 'Riccistas', lxiv-viii; ch'i, 
a 'sacrifice', lx; geomancy, 157; 
p'aíwei ('spirit tablets'), 245 n ; 
temples, 183-4, l8 9¡ practised even 
in prison, 200, 202; in Manila, 100 n 

Chinese Rites Controversy, nature of, 
xxxviii-xliii, 1; start of, xlix; 
reasons for its violence, 1; human 



factors in, 1-lix; and Jesuit-friar 
rivalry, 1, lv-ix; and nationalism, 
1-lv, lvi ; aim of both sides in, xlvii ; 
differences of both sides in, xliii; 
Probabilism and Probabiliorism in- 
volved in, li ; linguistic problems in- 
volved in, lxv-vi, 172-3 ; decisive 
moment in, lxii ; worsened by Robo- 
redo's intervention, lxiii ; eífects of, in 
China and Europe, 1, lviii-ix; and 
eighteenth-century religious thought, 

and the friars: the friars diífer 

from the Jesuits, xlv; side with 
Jesuit 'dissidents', xlvi; unjust to 
Jesuits, xlvi-vii ; criucized by Jesuits, 
xlviii-ix; unjustly treated by his- 
torians, xlvii; their aim same as 
Jesuits', xlvii; not as rigid as sup- 
posed, xlviii, 100 n; influenced by 
Jesuits' disunity, xliv; have previous 
knowledge of Rites problems, xlviii ; 
their appreciauon of problems of 
China mission, xlviii ; soluuons sug- 
gested by, xlviii; their arrival in 
China, lix ; their study of the Rites and 
allied problems, lx; they appeal to 
Jesuits for advice, lx-xüi ; are misled 
by Father Roboredo, lxiii ; forbid the 
Rites to converts, lx; their strong 
reacuon, lxi; they appeal to Macao 
and Manila for advice, lxii 

and the Jesuits: policy of the 

Jesuits, xliii ; some dissentfrom official 
policy, xliii-v; cause of this dis- 
sent, xliii; Jesuits attempt to keep 
disunity secret, xliv; effect of Jesuit 
disunity on friars, xliii— vi, lxvi- 
vii, 417; attitude of individual 
Jesuits, xliii; Jesuits slow to observe 
papal ruling, lxxii 

and N. : his role, xx-xxi, 1, c ; N. 

a witness, Ixxv ; N. appeals to Rome, 
lxiii ; N. anxious for agreement with 
Jesuits, 414, 419; N. tries to break 
deadlock in, lxiii, 419 

— and Palafox, xxi, 29 

— and Rome : appeals to Rome by 

friars, xx, xxiv, xxvi, xxxviii, lix- 
xiii, lxxxv-vi; appeals to Rome 
by Jesuits, lxii, lxiii, 58, 124; con- 
flicting reports submitted to Rome, 
lxiii, 58 ; Rome's attitude in answer- 
ing, lxiii; papal decrees (1645), 21, 
57-8; (1656), lxiii, 58, 124; papal 
attempts to solve the controversy 
(1704, 171 5, 1742), lxxii; the final 
soluuon, (1939), lxxii 

conferences concerning : in Can- 
tón, cv, 185, 413-15, 427; in Hang- 
chou, 419-20; in Kiating, 427; in 
Madrid, 431; can only be settled in 
Rome, 373,413,421 

cbinoiserie, xxxv, ci— ii 

chocolate-drinking and Spanish, 29 n 

chop-sticks, 216 

Chou Ta-kuan, 383 n 

Chou Yu-te, succeeds Lu Hsing-tsu, 

Chrisuan art, shocks Chínese, 162 n 

Christianity, confused Chínese reac- 
tions to, lxxi 

Chu Hsi, neo-Confucian commenta- 
tor of classics, lxiv 

Chu Vi-chi ('Cosme'), a convert 
literatus, lxxiii 

Chu Vi-chi ('Clement'), a convert, 189 

Cid Campeador, the, 395 

cinnamon, in Ceylon, 291-2 

civet cats, in Philippines, 8 1 

Clement, a Chínese convert, 189 n 

Clement VIII, Pope, 371 n 

Clement X, Pope, Ixxxvi, 332, 371, 
384; and N., xxvi, 370 

Clement XI, Pope, on Rites Contro- 
versy, lxxii 

Cobo, Juan, OP, 31 

Cochin China, 268, 381 

Coello, Antonio, Portuguese in 
Muhammad Mu'azzam's army, 329 n 

coinage, in Malacca, 284 n ; a problem 
in Philippines, 294 

Colbert, Jean Baptiste, Louis XIV's 
minister, N. to visit, xxvi, 338 n, 
429; N.'s plan to visit, 364 n; re- 
ceives spy's report on México, 354-5 



Colín, Francisco, SJ, 'reviewed' by N., 

lxxxv, 9 n, 96, 212 
Columbus's burial place, cxiii; in Santo 

Domingo, 404 n 
comet, not miraculous, 224 
Comorin, Cape, N. nearly wrecked 

off, 3 3 3-4 
Concepción de la Vega, town in Santo 

Domingo, 404 
conclusiones, N. takes part in, xxii, 101 
Confucian classical texts, N.'s attitude 

to, lxiv-v ; 'Riccistas' rely upon, lxiv 
Confucian rites, xl, lx ; N. on, cv 
Confucianism, foreshadows and fore- 

sees Chrisuanity, lxiv, lxvii-viii, 

xcvi; officially rejected in 1912, 

lxxii ; neo-Confucianism rauonalizes 

the oíd technical expressions, lxv; 

results of this rationalization, lxvi; 

neo-Confucian commentators are 

equivalents of Fathers of the Church, 


Confucius, an agnosüc, 247; his 
family, 210; his tomb, 209; his 
doctrine equated with the Cospel, 
210 ; equated with Christ by Chínese, 
Ixx ; Chrisdan converts still venérate, 
209 ; in the Tratados, lxxxv ; writings 
of, praised by N., 211; his literary 
style, 7; Jesuit opinions of, xliii; 
friars and, xlix; Confucians and 
anti-Confucians among mission- 
aries, 210 

Cony, Richard, Governor of St Helena, 
xxxi, 359; irascible character of, 


Corcuera, Pedro de, 392 

Corcuera, Sebastián Hurtado de, 
Governor of Philippines, criticized, 
40, 392-4; losses in Acapulco fire, 
40; and friars, 53 ; and Fajardo, 52; 
and Oquendo, 29; and Guerrero, 

cormorant fishing in China, 198-9 
cornaca, term defined, 309 n 
Coromandel Coast, xci, 297 
Coromandel cloth, shipped to México, 

Coronado, Domingo, OP, lxxv, 33 n, 
207, 243, 259; sickness in Peking, 
lxxviii; death of, 212; and Martini, 

Cortés Osorio, Juan, SJ ('the Juvenal'), 
criticizes N., xxix, lv, lvii, lxxiv, xciv, 
xcv-c, cvi, cvii, cxii, 424, 43 1 ; re- 
futed (1714), civ; on Jesuit historians, 
xciv ; on Cromwell's devil, xcvi 

Costa, Inicio da, SJ, 146, 206, 245, 

Costa, Paulo da, Vicar-General of 
Malacca diocese, 114-15, 267 

cotton, in Philippines, 75, 92 

Cotui, town in Santo Domingo, 404 

Couplet, Philippe, SJ, on Chínese 
doctors, 156; arrested, 206 

Couronne, N. embarks in, 322, 323, 326 

Courtaulin, J. de M. de, 426 n 

Couunho, Antonio de Sousa, loses 
Ceylon, 289 

Coutinho, Manuel de Sousa, loses 
Malacca, 284 

'Coxinga' (Chéng Ch'éng-kung), lxx, 
lxxxv, 141 n, 229 n 

Crain Cronron, Prince of Macassar, 
114-25 passitn; interest in European 
books and maps, 115 

Crain Patengaloan, Prince of Macas- 
sar, 114-25 passim ; scholar and book- 
collector, 121 n ; his death, 120 n 

Crain Sumana, 115 

cris, Malayan weapon, 122 

crocodiles, in Célebes, 116; in Philip- 
pines, 87, 90 

Cromwell, Oliver, his 'Western De- 
sign', lxxiv, 401; and Irish, 102 n; 
assisted by a devil in Civil War, xcvi 

crossing the line ceremonies, 361 

Crucifixión, Chínese shocked by doc- 
trine of, 247; N. denies this, 177; 
Jesuit teaching of, in China, xli, 
lxiii; Jesuits accused of not teach- 
ing doctrine properly in China, lx- 
xii; accusation corroborated by 
Chínese, lxi, 247; N. tactless in 
showing crucifix, 149-50 

cuento chino, xciii ; see also travellers' tales 



Cuerna vaca, México, N. in, 32 
customs-houses, in China, 183-4; m 

Golconda, 311; in Rome, 374; in 

Spain, 375 
cypress trees, in China, 211 
Cypriano, Matteo Francesco, SJ, 

Jesuit visionary, 277 

Dandron, Francois, French gentleman, 
aids N., 321; 345. 349 

Deists and Rites Controversy, 1, ci ; and 
N.'s work, 176 n 

Dellon, Dr, French surgeon, 345 n 

Dias, Manuel (Emmanuel Diaz), SJ, 
apologizes to friar for having him 
kidnapped earüer, lix ; writes a work 
on the Crucifixión, 247 

Díaz, Francisco, OP, publicly snubbed 
by Jesuit, 167 

Díaz de Mendoza, Francisco, dies, 100 

Diocesan Governor, term defined, 124 n 

'Discipline of the Secret', practised by 
China Jesuits, lxi 

'dissidents' (Jesuits who differ from 
Ricci's views in the Rites Contro- 
versy), xliv; see also 'Riccistas', 
Chinese Rites Controversy, Jesuits 
in China; problems increased by 
linguistic difficulties, lxv-vi; and 
'Riccistas', fundamental differences 
between, xliii, lxiv-v; no possibility 
of agreement between, lxv 

Diu, Portuguese in, 266 

doctors of medicine, in China, 155-7 

Dominicans (Order of Friars Preacher; 
OP) : remiss in communicating with 
Rome, lxxxvii-viii ; distinguished 
record as protectors of Indians, xxxvi ; 
Ufe in México, 30; in Formosa, 53 ; 
in Macassar, 11 4- 15 

in China: their mission policy, 

xlv-ix; see Chinese Rites Con- 
troversy and the friars; in China in 
1659, 149; joined by N. in China, 
149; in Fu-an, 166; work during 
persecution, 242, 414 

in India : defend negro slaves, 

3 3 6 n ; admit nati ve clergy, 3 5 3 n 

in Persia: Armenians act as 

emissaries of Sophy, 332; in Mono- 
motapa, 353 n; in Santo Domingo, 
lxxxi-ii, 409; see also rivalry, 

in Philippines, xxii, 61 ; accusa- 

tions against, 56-7; their linguistic 
studies, 58; must stay mínimum of 
ten years in, 101 n ; educauonal work 
in, 93 ; Santo Tomás University, 
Manila, 93 ; College of San Juan 
Letrán, 99 ; their hospital, 100 ; work 
among local Chinese, 100; their toler- 
ance shocks Jesuits, 100 n 

Drake, Sir Francis, in Santo Domingo, 

dugong, woman-fish, xcvi 

Dutch, in East, xxi, xxiv, xxv, li, 267 ; 
Iberian opposition to, 264; their 
'secret weapon', 277 n ; fail to root 
out Catholicism in Asia, 291 ; em- 
bassies, 11 8-19, 237; obstructed by 
Jesuits, 119 n; and Portuguese com- 
pared by Cochinchinese, 268 ; their 
tolerance in Malacca, 282 n, 285 n ; 
and friars, lviii ; in Amboina, 385-6 ; 
in Ceylon, 124, 289-95 passim; in 
China, 119 n, 237; in Formosa, liii; 
in India, 264, 3 34 ; in Macassar, 118- 
19, 386; in Malacca, xxiv, 114, 256, 
282 n, 285 n; and Manila Galleon, 
xxi; and Philippines, 44, 49, 61, 90- 

— at Cape of Good Hope, 355 

ear-witnesses untrustworthy, 5, 92 n, 

earthquakes, in Philippines, 86, 91, 93 ; 
in Santo Domingo, 402 

East India Company, reports confirm 
N.'s Tratados, xxv; Dutch, French, 
English Companies at Surat, 339; at 
Masulipatam, 322-3 ; factors' style of 
living, 305 ; English Company, xxv, 
327 n, 433-4; French Company 
assists N., 317, 322 

'eight-legged' examination system in 
China, Ixvi 



elephants, in Burma, 383, 384; com- 
pared with those of Ceylon, xci ; in 
Ceylon, xci, 384; in India, 309, 313, 
318, 323 ; in Macassar, 121 ; in Siam, 
377 ; dangerous to jest with, 121 

embassies to China, Dutch, 11 8-19, 
236, 237; Jesuits obstruct, 119 n; 
Portuguese, 234 ff. ; N. on need for, 
235 n 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, on N.'s account 
ofthe Tabón, 117 n 

English, clash with Jesuits in Bombay, 
277-8; buccaneers raid Santo 
Domingo, 402; faetones in India, 
xxv, 327 n; sailors amuse N., 374; 
ship in Malacca, admired by N., 
382 ; shipbuilders in Asia, 382 

entertainments, travel literature is con- 
sidered, cii; in China: masques and 
the feast of lanterns, 188; in India: 
nautch girls and monkey tricks, 319, 
322; in México: masques, 31; in 
Santo Domingo: horse-killing and 
shark-feeding, 403 n; at sea: mock 
bull-fights, 22-3 ; 'dragonish clouds', 
23 n; fruit-eating, 41 n; pets, 128, 
280; English sports, 374; crossing 
the line ceremonies, 361 

Ephraim de Nevers, Capuchin friar at 
Madras, xxiv, 297 n; and N., 302; 
and Inquisition, 345 n 

Escalante, Juan, Bishop of Yucatán, 
xxvii, lxxix 

Espinosa, Salvador (Gómez) de, 101 

Estacio, Manuel, see Venegas 

etiquette, Chínese, knowledge of essen- 
tial, 171 

Europeans in foreign service in Asia, 

examination system in China, 153-4 
Ex debito pastoralis officii (1633), 371, 385 
Ex illa die (171 5), papal decree con- 

demning Chínese Rites, lxxii 
Ex quo singulari (1742), papal bull con- 

demning Chínese Rites, lxxii 

Faber, Étienne, SJ (Étienne Le Févre), 
xliii ; 'deified' by Chínese, lxx 

Faber (Fabre, Fabro, Favre), Jacques, 

see Le Favre 
Fajardo, Diego de, Governor of Philip- 

pines, 40, 52, 67, 91, 390 
fakirs, 314 

Faria, Bento Pereira de, 245, 255, 265, 


'fathers', used of Jesuits herein, cxx 
Faxardo, Diego de, see Fajardo 
Feijoo, Benito Jerónimo, OSB, ciii 
féng'shui (geomaney) in China, 157 
Fernández, Antonio, brother, xci 
Fernández de Navarrete, Domingo, see 

Fernández de Ocampo, Alvaro, 101 
Ferrari, Giovanni Francesco, SJ, lii n, 

235, 266, 414; plans to leave Cantón 

detention centre, 231-2 
fidelity-ointment, in China, 162 
Fifth Monarchy, Portugal as the, 134 n, 

275 n 

Figueiredo, Francisco Vieira de, lis- 
ió, 267 

Figurists' extravagant theories on 
Christianity in ancient China, lxviii 

fish: in China, 150; tunny in México, 
45; pilot-fish orí Cape Comorin, 
340; feathered fish off Cape of Good 
Hope, 355; in Philippines: dugong 
(woman-fish), 81-2; garfish, 87; 
iguanas, oysters, pomfret fish, 98; 
ray, 83 ; shads, 98 ; skate, 87 

flowers, in China, 184; in Philippines, 

Fo-shan, village near Cantón, 233 

Fonseca, Manuel Leal de, 263 

foot-binding in China, 162 n 

Foran, M., captain of the Triomphe, 
354 n, 356, 359, 362 

Formosa: Dominicans in, 53; lost to 
Spanish, and rumours regarding, 53 ; 
Dutch take, liii; English in, 376 

forts, fortifications, defences: Chínese 
and European compared, 143 ; Dutch 
in India, 292 ; English at St Thomé, 
297; Badajoz and Elvas compared, 
369; at Acapulco, 38, 41, 432 n; in 
India, 3 3 7 ; in Coa bay, 3 3 6 ; at Macao, 



262 ; in Malacca, 285 ; in Philippines, 
75, 94, 387-8 ; at St Helena, 359; in 
Santo Domingo, 400, 401 ; N. re- 
ports on to Charles II, 401-2 

Fort Dauphin, French capital on 
Madagascar, 345 n 

Fort Santiago (Manila), 62, 63, 93 ; N. 
criticizes building of Chapel Royal 
in, 392-4 

Fourmont, E., ciii 

fowl: ducks, geese, in China, 150, 228- 
229 ; in Philippines, 95 

Foxcroft, George, Governor of Madras, 
■297 n, 3 30 n ; assists N., xxiv, 305 

Franciscans (Order of Friars Minor; 
OFM) : their medieval mission in 
China, xlviii; their modem mission 
in China, xlv, 21 ; their mission 
policy in China, xlv-ix; see also 
Friars, Chínese Rites Controversy 
and the friars ; go to México with N., 
22, 40-1, 44; in Acapulco fire, 41 ; 
in Philippines, 50, 100; their entry 
to China opposed (1670) by Jesuits, 
377, 432 ; complaints to Propaganda, 
lxxv; in Santo Domingo, 409; see 
also Santa María, Capuchins 

Francisco, Pedro de, SJ, 120 n, 283 n 

Franks, term defined, 325 n 

French, N. angered by, 328 ; criticized 
by N., xxxiii; are unsatisfactory 
Catholics, 3.28-9, 336, 339, 352; are 
a model for Iberian Catholics, 345, 
357; emerge as dominant missionary 
power, xlvii, 425, 432; designs on 
México, 354-5 ; aid N. in India, 318; 
in Santo Domingo, 403, 404, 406-7 ; 
only use surnames, 329 

friars, referred to as mendicants herein, 

— in China: see also Dominicans, 
Franciscans, Chínese Rites Contro- 
versy and the friars; work under 
Spanish patronage, lii-üi; unfairly 
treated by historians, xlvii; and 
Jesuits compared, lv-vii; entry into 
China opposed by Jesuits and 
Portuguese, 135-6; use Formosa as 

stepping-stone into China, 53 ; con- 
sider themselves called by God to 
rectify Jesuits' error, lvii; criticized 
by Jesuits, xlviii-ix ; not allowed to 
minister to Jesuit converts, 432 n ; 
friar-Jesuit cooperation, lix; are not 
accused by Chínese during persecu- 
tion, 248; their poverty, 187, 259; 
robbed by Chínese, 181 

— in Philippines, Corcuera on, 5 3 ; 
their work, 100; language-learning 
methods, 58; study chínese 432 n 

friar-mathematician in Persia, 332 

Fromentin, French clerk, killed in 
Macara afFair, 324 

fruit: essential at sea, 41 n; all new in 
México, 28 ; in Philippines, 59, 60, 74, 
81, 92, 95-7 passim; N. introduces 
fresh Li chi to Manila, 74; apricots 
in China, 207 ; in Malacca, 283-4 

Fu-an (Fuh-ngan ; Fo Ngan), in Fu- 
chien province: N. in, xxiii, 149; 
taken by Tartars, 165 

Fu-chien (Fokien), province in S. 
China, 136 n, 140 

Fu-chou (Fo Cheu), capital of Fu- 
chien province, N. in, 146 

Furtado, Francisco, SJ, lxi; burns 
Longobardi's thesis, xliv; and the 
expulsión of friars from China, lviii 

Gabiani (Gaviani), Giovanni Domen- 
ico, SJ, xcv, 206 n, 23 1, 272 

Gage, Thomas, renegade priest, xxxii n, 
lxxiv, 23, 29, 30, 65 n; on Jesuit- 
Dominican rivalry, lv ; in San Lúcar, 
19 n ; and the Philippines, 27 

Galle, Cape, N. at, 288 

Gama, Luís da, SJ, cvi, cxiv, 254, 256 n, 
413, 415, 416, 419, 424; on friar Lo, 
231 ; informed of N.'s wish to leave 
Cantón internment, 250 

García, Francisco, SJ, xcv 

García, Juan, OP, lxxxii, 222; meets 
N. in Fu-an, 149 ; on Martini, 167 n ; 
is discouraged, 175 

Carden of Edén, was probably in 
China, 366 




Gemelli-Careri, Francesco, xciv, 21, 

25, 30, 33, 38, 69, 99, 103, 106, 282 n 
Germán engineer, sent by N. to Philip- 

pines, 298 
glow-worms, as reading lamps, 152 
Goa, xci, 124; N. in, xxv, 335-6; N. 

lea ves his Chínese servant in, 337; 

Jesuits in, 336; negro friars in, 353 n ; 

negro Prince teaches theology in, 

353 n 

gohernadorcillo, defined, 358 n 

Goens, Ryckloff van, Dutch Govemor 

of Ceylon, 290 n 
Golconda, king of, see 'Abdullah 

Qutb Shih ; nawáb of, 297, 315 

— town of, N. meets Spaniard from 
Valladoüd in, 313; Portuguese 
priests at, 312 

— army, Spaniard serving in, xxiv 
Gómez, Andrés, OP, 52 
González, Zeferino, Cardinal, civ 
González de Mendoza, Juan, OESA, 

xxxiv, xxxv, 98 n, 213 

Good Hope, Cape of, Aigle d'Or fails 
to round, xxv ; rounds, xxvi ; N. oíF, 
343 ; a month at, 390 ; Dutch at, 355 

Goujon, M., arrests Macara, 323 ; 
death, 323 ; N. buries, 324 

Gouveia (Gouvea), Antonio de, SJ, 
liiin, liv, lvi, 134, 136, 224, 245 n, 
266, 267; hides from N., 146-7 n; 
Chínese oblige him to lodge a friar, 
376 n; N. and, 242, 419-22; his 
nationalism, 257-8, 265, 273 ; his 
MS used by Martini, 168; on 
Capillas's death, 166 ; on Portuguese 
in India, 266; on French Jesuits, 
257-8; his History of China, 234; 
arrested, 206 

Gracián, Baltasar, SJ, xc, 396 n 

Granada, Luis de, OP, 120 n, 368 

Grand Canal, in China, 205 

Gravina, Jerome, SJ, xliii 

Gregory XIII, Pope, 123 n 

Grelon (Greslon), Adrien, SJ, xcix, 

Grimaldi, Felippo Maria, SJ, lxxin- 
iv n, 423 

Guaba, town in Santo Domingo, 406- 

Guerrero, Hernando, OSA, Arch- 
bishop of Manila, xxxiv, 52-3, 68, 

guinea-fowl in Madagascar, 352 
Guistin, in Mindoro, N. in, 76-7, 

Gutiérrez, Luis, OP, killed by alliga- 
tor, 64 

Hainques, Antoine, French priest, 
427 n 

Hang-chou (Jang Cheu, Hang Cheu), 

town in Ché-kiang province, 185, 

189, 199, 203 
hari'kari, equated with bull-fighdng, 148 
Hartsink, Willem Karel, Dutch factor 

in Golconda, 316 
Hassan Udin, Sumbane of Macassar, 


Haye, Blanquet de la, cmdr-in-chief of 

French fleet, 293, 345-55 passim 
herbs, in Philippines, 97 
Hardtrich, Christian, SJ, lxxiii-iv n, 

168 n; reports N. to Emperor Leo- 

pold I, xcv, 422 
hermaphrodites, in Célebes, 109 n; in 

Macassar, 8, 123 ; in Philippines, 

123-4 n 

Higuei, town in Santo Domingo, 406 
Hispaniola, see Santo Domingo 
history, the purpose of, 6-7 
Hoang-ho, 206 

homosexual goldsmiths in Macassar, 

honey, in Philippines, 81 ; N. makes, 

horses, in India, 308, 329-30 
Hovannes, Matthew, OP, Archbishop 

ofNakhchiwan, 332 n 
Howell, James, on the Spaniards, xxxv 
Hsiang-shan, capital of Macao island, 


Huarte de San Juan, 419 

Humanes, Baltasar de, Spanish ambas- 

sador to Portugal, 368 
Hyderabad, N. in, xxiv 



Ibáñez, Bonaventura, OFM, 1 8 1 n, 43 2 n 
llocos, rapacious Governor of, 56 
Immaculate Concepción, foreshadowed 

in Chínese classics, lxviii 
In apostolattts culmine, papal decree, 

400 n 

In coena Domini, papal decree, 133-4 
index to Tratados, purpose of, lxxxvii ; 

to books, valué of, 7 
India, Muslims of, praised, 299 
India, valué of N.'s account of, 


Indians, American, Spanish treatment 
of, 22, 266 

— Filipino: praised by N., xxxiv; 
N. works among, 60, 75, 77-80, 83- 
4, 85-6; N. defends, xxxv, xxxvi, 
xxxvii ; N. as 'defence lawyer' for, 9 ; 
N. compares them to Holy Inno- 
cents, xxvii; N. criticized for his 
defence of, xcvii; friars' work 
among, 58-9, 92; and Dominicans, 
55, 56; and Religious, 84; clergy 
try to defend, 388; an English esti- 
mate of, 99 n; are noble savages, 
84; as archers and hunters, 60, 
79 ; their love of music, 59 ; are not 
lazy, 56; their intelligence and skill, 
59 ; eat sago, 106 ; as Catholics, xxx, 
78-9, 89; are discouraged from 
Catholicism, 78 ; are scandalized by 
Spaniards, 175 ; modesty of the 
women, 90; and those of México 
compared, 59; their triáis, 9, 22; are 
mistreated, 54-7 passim, 62, 68 n, 78, 
92, 95, 389, 390, 395 ; heavy taxa- 
tion on, 54-6, 78, 84; are forced to 
neglect their farms, 56, 95 ; Spanish 
profiteering afflicts, 92 ; Govt. orders 
on behalf of, ignored, 9, 78 ; fly to the 
mountains, 395 ; fly the Islands, 
xxxvii; seek refuge in Borneo, 
Cambodia, Célebes, Jacarta, Macas- 
sar, Malacca, Masulipatam, Siam, 
Surat, 106, 116, 119-20, 123, 286, 
306, 330-1, 395 ; ransomed by N. in 
Célebes, 109 

'índies', term defined, 9 n 

Indies, Council of the, 432 

Ingoli, Francesco, of Propaganda Fide, 
lxxxvii, 57 

íniuncti nobis coelitus, papal decree 
granted to N., lxxxvi, 371 n 

ink, unsuitable substitute for wine, 364 

Innocent X, Pope, 235 

Innocent XI, Pope, cxi 

Inquisition, xc, 51, 100 n, 242, 370; N. 
denounced to, xxxi, lxxxi, xcvii- 
viii, ciii, 431, 438; is thought to 
have fled from, cvi; and Contro' 
versias, cvii-ix; Astley on, cii; in 
Coa, 277, 302 n; in Macao, 254; 
in China, xlvii-viii; imprisons 
Vieira, 237; traps Ephraim, 302 n; 
Dr Dellon falls foul of, 345 n; 
French antipathy towards, 345 n; 
Rougemont on, 345; and Pallu, 431, 
432 n 

Intorcetta, Prospero, SJ, xliii, 9 n, 
242 n, 373, 421, 422; in Macassar, 
125 n; leaves Cantón to report to 
Rome, 250, 421 ; his Román mission 
afailure, 373 n 

Irish refugees in Spain, 102 

James of St Mary, see Santa María, 
Diego de 

Jansenism, Jesuits use term to dení- 
grate their enemies, 372 n; Vicars- 
apostolic accused of, 372; Bishop 
Pallu accused of, 372 n, 430, 432 n; 
N. accused of, 372 n; N. not guilty 
of, lxxv 

Jansenists, N. accused of helping, 
xcvi; read the Controversias, cix-x; 
and the Chínese Rites Controversy, 
lxiii, 428 

Japan: persecution of Christians in, 
234, 340; Christian refugees from, 
reach Philippines, 10 1-2 ; Father 
Cypriano seeks martyrdom in, 277 n ; 
Macao trade with, 277 n ; Portuguese 
embassy to, 264; see also Jesuits in 

Japanese, not barbarians, 148; con- 
verts kept away from European 




Catholics, 175 n; in Philippines, 
tended by Franciscans, 100; visit 
Rome (1585), 123 

Java, Dutch retire to, after Westphalia 
Treaty, 49 n 

Jesuits (Society of Jesús; SJ): are 
mendicants, cxx; referred to herein 
as the 'fathers', cxx; their efficiency 
and versatility, lvi ; chief defect, lvi, 
lviii; proverbs about, lxxxii, 337 n; 
and friars compared, lv-vii; rivalry 
with friars, lv-vi ; and friar coopera- 
don enjoined, lxxviii, 5 8 ; as traders 
and civil servants, xxxix, lxxiii, 
cxiv, 32 n, 119 n, 254 n, 255 n, 336— 
7; as enemies, xcv; use term 'Jan- 
senist' as blanket accusation, 372 n; 
and 'Sebastianism', 275 n 

and Navarrete, lxxiii-xxxiii 

passim ; praised by N., lxxvi, lxxviii- 
xxxiii, 85, 203 n, 242, 276, 429; 
Philippine Jesuits championed by 
N., xxxvii; his attitude towards, 
lxxv-vi, lxxviii-ix; they denounce 
him to Inquisition, lxxxi, xcvii- 
viii, 438; refuse to speak to 
him, 416; praise him, lxxx; anxious 
for peace, lxvi, Lxxviii, 414, 419 

in China, established, xxxix; 

work aided by Confucian 'Refor- 
mation', xli ; policy of accommoda- 
tion, xxxix; underlying aim of, 
xlvii; never compromise with truth, 
xlvii ; use of science in mission work, 
xxxix, lvii, lxviii, lxxi; N. on, 150 
n; disunited over policy questions, 
xliii-v, cv, 190 n, 242 n ; effect of 
this disunity on friars, xÜii-v, lxvi- 
vii, 417; conferences on policy, cv, 
413-17, 419-20, 427-8; extravagant 
theories of some, lxviii; work under 
Portuguese patronage, xlvii, li-iii, 
273 ; then under French, xlvii ; ob- 
struct Dutch embassy to China, 119 
n ; relations with Ming and Manchu 
rulers, xlvii; China allotted to them 
as their mission field, xlv; claim 
China as their monopoly, xxiii, 

xxvi, liii, 385; continué to do so 
despite papal decrees, liii ; Philip II, 
Philip IV, Clement X, Urban 
VIII, on the Jesuit monopoly, 377, 
3 84-5 ; attempts to repeal the mono- 
poly, 371 ; consider themselves best 
suited to China mission, lv-viii; 
their contempt for friars, lv, lviii, 
167-8, 169, 418; oppose entry of 
friars into China, liii, lxxiii, lxxv, 
53, 135-6, 146-7 n, 167-8, 234, 377, 
432; connive at expulsión of friars 
from China, liii, lviii, lix; their 
apartbeid policy towards friars, lvii; 
warn converts against friars, 131; 
blame friars for persecution, 256; 
Jesuit-Christians and friar-Chris- 
tians, lix; their standard of living 
compared with that of friars, 181, 
238; cooperate with friars in China, 
lix, lxxviii, lxxxii n ; oppose Vicars- 
Apostolic, 372, 430; accusations 
against, lxxiii-vi, lxxxvi, 248, 
272 ; French, 257-8 ; see also Chínese 
Rites Controversy, 'dissidents', 

in India, their power, 337 n; 

manage munitions in, 3 37 n ; in Goa, 
336; oppose English in Bombay, 
277-8 n 

in Japan, lviii, lix, lxxiii, lxxiv, 

59 n, 277 n; claim Japan as their 
monopoly, 123 n ; and see Japan 

in Macao, triáis of, 132; and the 

assault on the Dominican priory, 
270 ; criticized, 13 1-6 passim 

in Macassar, obstructed by secular 

clergy, 1 14-15 

■ in Philippines, praised by N., 85 ; 

accused of manoeuvring loss of 
Formosa, 5 3 n ; rivalry with friars in, 
52 n, 53 n, 93 n-94n; rivalry with 
seculars in, 85; shocked by OP, 100 n 

in Santo Domingo, N.'s relations 

with, lxxviii-xxxiii, 409; their 
praise of N., lxxx 

Jesuits' Relations and annual letters, 
xxvi, lxxxviii, xciv-v ; Tratados com- 



pared to, lxxxviii ; English saying on, 

Joachim, Chínese conven, 167-8 

Jólo IV, King of Portugal, lv, 273 ; 
receives Chínese visitor, 128 

John of Austria, Don, Philip IV's son : 
political struggles of, xcv ; takes over 
government of Spain, 375-6; N.'s 
patrón, cv, cvii, 435; Tratados dedi- 
cated to, 3, 4; death, 437 

Jólo, Spanish fighting in, 53 

Jones, Daniel, Englishman in Philip- 
pines, 52 

Jorge, Manoel, SJ, lii n, 218, 240; 

sent to catch Brancati, 231 ; at Santa 

María's death, 244 
Judaic origins of Chínese religión, 

alleged by 'Riccistas', lxviii, 248 n 

Kaili, Célebes, N. in, 109 

K'ang-hsi Emperor, the, 210, 413 

Kin Hoa, see Chin-hua 

Knox, Roben, 98 n 

kow-tow, Europeans and the, 235 

Kuan-yin, Buddhist deity, lxx, 162 n 

Kwang Wu-ti, Han Emperor, 208 

La Mancha, farmers of, 159 

Lamben de la Motte, Pierre, M.E.P., 

Bishop of Beirut, a Mandarín, 166 n 
Lan ch'i, in Ché-kiang province, 191, 


lanterns, feast of, in China, 188 
Lao Tzu, lxx 

Laos, trades with Manila, 383 

Las Casas, Bartolomé de, OP, and N., 

xxxv-vi, xxxvii ; in Santo Domingo, 

400 n 
Laso, Lorenzo, 61 

Lauria, Lorenzo Brancati di, OFM. 

Con., 370 
Lazarists, see Mission, Congregation of 
leaves that become animáis, xciv, 77 
Le Comte, Louis, SJ, xlvi, lxx, xcii 
Ledo, Juan de, priest, 101 
Le Favre, Jacques, SJ (Faber, Fabre, 
Fabro, Favre), c, cvi, 185, 224, 244, 
258; and N. compared, lvii; ar- 

rested, 206 ; accused by N., 207 n ; 
appeals to friar Lo for help, 231; 
plans to leave Cantón detention, 
231-2; defends Jesuit position, 417- 

Leibnitz, reads Longobardi through 

N.'s Tratados, xlv, ciii 
León, Juan de, 389 
Leonardo, Felipe, OP, 191, 198, 225 
Leopold I, Holy Román Emperor, 

meets Chínese, 168 ; N. denounced 

to by Jesuits, xcv, 422 
Leslie, William, Román agent of the 

Scottish Bishops, 426 n 
Letona, Bartolomé, OFM, 'reviewed' 

by N., lxxxv, 3 84-9 
Li Pe-ming ('John'), aids missionaries, 

Li Tsu-po, conven Chínese writer, 

248 n 

Lin Tse-hsu, on the Jesus-religion, lxxi 

Linus, a convert literatas, 186 

Lisbon, N. in, xxvi, 331, 340, 367-8 

Liu Chung-tsao, General, 165, 166 

lizard ointment, used by Chínese 
women, 162 

Lo or López, Gregorio (Lo Wén-tsao), 
OP, Chinese friar-Bishop, lxxxii, 
cxi, 175 n, 222; fírst Chinese priest, 
xxii; made Bishop at N.'s urging, 
xxii, xxvi, 371, 427; meets N. in 
Fu-an, 149; Jesuit attitude to, 231; 
in Peking, 244; work during perse- 
cution, 231-2, 243-4 

Lobo, Inicio, SJ, reactions at ances- 
tor-ceremony, xliii 

Lobo, Sebasuáo, Captain-General of 
Macao, 274 

longitude, fixed, 46 n 

Longobardi (Longobardo), Niccoló, 
SJ, lxvi, lxvii, ciii; Ricci's chosen 
successor in China mission, xliv; 
dissents from Ricci's views, xliv, Ixv, 
415; thesis survives burning and is 
published by N., xliv-v, xcvii, 
417, 427; N.'s opinión of Longo- 
bardi's work, xlv; on the classics, 
lxv ; on syncretism, 249 



loose-living and leaky ships, 391 
Lopes, Sebastian, Admiral, 61 
López, Gregorio, Mexican hermit, 30- 
3i n 

López, Juan, OP, Archbishop of 

Manila, advised N. on Tratados, 

xciii, 91 
Lorenzana, Alvaro de, 36 
Losada, Francisco Enríquez de, am- 

bassador to Formosa, 377; and king 

of Siam, 377-8 ; on Angkor, 382-3 ; 

writes to N., 103, 377 
Losada, Diego Enríquez de, builds 

ship, 383 ; drowned, 101 
Louis XIV, xxv, 347 n, 429, 430; has 

designs on México, 354; attitude to 

missions, 425 
Loyang bridge, N. measures, xxx, 143- 


Loyola, Martin Ignacio de, OFM, ex- 
pelled from China through Jesuits, 

Lu Hsing-tsu, Viceroy of Liang-kuang, 
quarrels with Macao authorities, 271- 
272; generosity, 229-30; suicide, 
272; N. on his suicide, cxiv; suc- 
ceeded by Chou Yu-te, 238 n 

Lu Lung-chi, on Western knowledge, 

Lubang, in Philippines, 75, 77 
Lubelli (Luveli), Giovanni Andrea, 

SJ, liii, lxxv, 224, 232, 250; com- 

ments on Tratados, xcviii-ix; 

promises to take N. into China, 135, 

136, 140 n 
Luzón, 61 n, 93 

Maatzuiker, Joan, Dutch Governor of 
Ceylon, 290 n 

Macao, Portuguese concession port on 
China coast, xix, xxiii, xxiv, li, lii, 
229-30, 260-78 passim; the Jesuits' 
'Trojan Horse', lii, lxxi; N. in, 
xxiii, xxiv, xciv, 130; life and mis- 
demeanours in, 130-6 ; Chínese and, 
248, 260, 269-72; besieged by 
Chínese, 229-30, 234, 269-70, 272, 
416 ; Gama and N. meet in, 424 ; de- 

pendent on Japanese and Philippine 
trade, 263 ; pays dues to Chínese, 
263 ; religious Orders there, 241, 261, 
263 n, 270; Poor Clares in, 244, 
393 ; move to submit to Spanish 
jurisdiction, 255 
Macara, Armenian clerk, xxv, 323-30 
passim ; N. befriends, 327 ; Martin on, 
327 n ; English factors on, 327 n 
Macassar, N. in, xxiii, xxxi, xxxvii, 
lxxxix, cxvii, 113-25, 267; N. at- 
tends Sumbane during Dutch em- 
bassy, 1 18-19; importance of his 
account of, xix-xx; N. sees herma- 
phrodite in, 8 ; Martini in, lii n ; reli- 
gión in, 11 3-14; as a trading centre, 
113, 119 n; free port, 114; Portu- 
guese in, 267 
Macedo, Antonio, OP, 123 
Machia velli, forbidden reading, 328 n 
Macret, Germain, SJ, on Portuguese 

in Cochinchina, 268 
Madagascar, 425-32 passim; N. in, 
xxv, lxxvi, 345-53 ; N. leaves, 354; 
Capuchins at, 346; pied-pipers at, 
425-6 ; French at, 345-53 passim 
Madras, Madrastapatam, N. meets friar 

Ephraim in, xxiv ; N. at, 297 
Madrid, N. arrives in, xxvi, 369; N. 
meets Pallu in, 43 1 ; conditions 
(1 674-7), 375-6 
Magalhaes (Magallanes), Gabriel de, 
SJ, 162 n, 225 n, 231 n, 240, 258, 
259; critical of Schall, lxxv; on 
Dutch embassy to Peking, 119 n; on 
Martini's knowledge of Chínese, 
168 n; critical of Martini, 218 n; re- 
bukes Costa and Gouveia, 206 ; im- 
pertís the mission, Lxxv, cxi; attends 
the dying Coronado, 243 
Magalhaes, Pedro de, OP, 368 
Magisttr Ordinis, honorary title, 3 n 
Maia, Matías de, SJ, lxxiii, lxxxviii; 

his annual letter, 203 ; death, 203 n 
Majólo d'Asti, Simón, author, 214 
Malabar Coast, 334 
Malacca, N. in, xxiv, xxxi, 281-6; N. 
admires English ship in, 382; friar 



Morales in, 283 n ; Juan de Silva in, 
264 ; Dutch and Portuguese in, 282- 
6; Chínese in, 285; Gemelli on 
Catholics of, 283 n; religión in, 
282-6 ; its strategic importance, 284- 
5 ; lost by Portuguese, 265, 284 ; 
taken by Dutch, 284-5 ; ananas in, 96 
Malfosse, M., factor at Masulipatam, 329 
Mamoia (Célebes), N. in, ni 
Manchus, invade China, lxxxv; im- 
pose pigtail on Chinese, 142 n ; op- 
position to, 141, 142, 149, 165, 179, 
197, 220-1 
mandarin-missionaries, non-Jesuit, 166 

n ; and medical-missionaries, xlviii 
Mandhar (Célebes), N. in, 111 
Manila, N. in xxii, 52-70, 89, 92-102 
passim; Dominican University in, 
xxii, see also Santo Tomás ; the city, 
93 ; misgovernment of, 98 ; Chinese 
on, 95 ; an unnecessary church in, 
392-4; priests' stipends should be 
reduced, 394 
Manila Galleon, Ufe on board, 43-9, 
91 ; significance of, xxi, 49 ; none in 
1647-8, xxi, 39, 42-3 ; nearly blown 
up, 45; sailing time, 390; and the 
Dutch, xxi, 44, 49; and Pallu, 432 n 
Manila hemp, 81 

Manrique de Lara, Sabiniano, brief 
biography by N., lxxxix, 69-74; 
arrives in Philippines, 67, 389; good 
governor, 103; his piety, 100; N. 
dedicates Conclusiones to, 101 ; and 
vándalas, 54; blamed for loss of ships, 
68 ; care for shipbuilding, and Manila 
defences, 68; and coinage problems, 

Mantilla, Juan de, 20 

Manucci, on the Jesuits as enemies, xcv 

maravedí evaluated, 12 n 

Marivelez (Philippines), 91 

Márquez, Father, Vicar-General of 

Macao, 124 
marriage, preferable to drowning, 357 n 
Martin, Fran$ois, French factor in 

India, aids N., 318, 324; his opinión 

of Macara, 32711 

Martini (Martino, Martínez), Martino, 
SJ, in the Tratados, lxxxv; N. on, 
lxxvi ; unpopular with his colleagues, 
lxxvi n ; known as the 'Iron host- 
baker', lxxvi n ; distrusted by the 
Portuguese, lii ; meets N. in Macassar, 
xxiii, 124-5; m Macao, 130 n; 
builds Hang-chou church, 203 n ; 
knowledge of Chinese, 168 n; 
'deified' by Chinese, lxx; a military 
mandarín, 166-7; c ^sts cannon for 
Chinese, lxviii; takes Chinese to 
Europe, 168; snubs friar, 167; uses 
Gouveia's material for his book, 168 ; 
to be read with caution, 218; his 
Atlas Sinensis criticized, 218 n; his 
Atlas in the persecution, 248 n ; N. 
accidentally reads his De bello 
Tartárico, 220 ; identifies Cathay with 
China, 342; is one of Kircher's 
sources, 236; appeals to Rome on 
behalf of the Jesuits, lxiii, lxxxv ; is 
less cautious than Ricci in his view 
of Rites, lxiii; obtains papal decree, 
58 n, 124, 415, 419 n, 420 ; N. hopes 
to get this decree annulled, 370 n 
martyrdom, desired and feared, 122 
masques, in México, 31 n; in China, 

Mascarenhas, Fernáo de, 265 

Mascarenhas, Filipe, 289 

Mass, poor Spaniards ashamed to at- 
tend, 403, 405, 407; at sea, 23 n; 
Chinese hear with their heads covered 

Masulipatam, N. in, 322 

Medellín, Conde de, xxvii, 43 1 

medical-missionaries, as opposed to 
mandarin-missionaries, xlviii-ix 

medicines, remedies, cures and anti- 
dotes : nature cures, 25 ; during preg- 
nancies, 42; for scorpion stings, 41- 
42; for bleeding, 81-2; for tooth- 
ache, 83; for poisons, 98; for 
atheism, 98; for crocodiles, 116; for 
prating women, 161-2 

Mekong, river in Angkor, 382 

Meló, Vasco Barbosa de, 256 



Mencius (Meng Zu), N. on, 21 1 
Méndez, Afonso, SJ, 337 n; on the 

'idiot friars', 233-4 
Méndez, Antonio, son of Sumbane of 

Macassar, 118 
Méndez, Francisco, 385 
mendicants, term used herein to refer to 

friars, cxx 
Mendiola, Pedro, 90, 100 
Mendoza, Juan González de, see 

González de Mendoza 
Menillet, M. du, Major in De la Haye's 

fleet, 356 

Merced, Order of (Mercedarians, or 

Nolascans), see Ransomers 
messianism, Iberian, 134 n 
Messina, Francesco, SJ, on N., xcix 
México (New Spain), N. in, xxi, xciv, 

24-44, 3 6 ! dispute between mer- 

chants and nobles in, 36-7; French 

spy in, 354-5 ; friars desert in, 44 n; 

ananas in, 96 
México, University of, Palafox and, 

93 n ; N. has students in, 409 
Michael, Dr, Chínese conven, lxx 
Michael of Monomotapa, Prince, OP, 

353 n 

Mieu, John, Chinese convert, 165, 

Min Ming-wo, (Min Min ngo), N.'s 

Chinese ñame, 149 n, 423 
Mindoro, in Philippines, N. works in, 

57» 76-90 ; Indians of, 78-80 
Minerva, OP house in Rome, xxvi; 

Chinese forbidden to visit, 168 
mines, in Philippines, xxxvi ; in Santo 

Domingo, 407, 408 
Ming dynasty, 141, 142, 220-1 
Ming-Manchu war, 141, 142, 149, 165, 

179, 197. 229 n, 234, 269 
Ming Sin Pao Kien, translated by N., 

lxxxv-vi; lxxxix, 7, 170 
miracles, N.'s utilitarian attitude to, 

xxxiv, 389; few in Tratados, cxvi, 

405 n; a miraculous statue, 100; 

alleged miracles rejected, cxi, 223-4, 

241, 381; conversión of a Chinese 

is miraculous, 177 

Misericordia, in Philippines, 94; at 
Macao, 262 

Mission, Congregation of the (Lazar- 
ists), 350, 425, 426, 429 

mission policy and technique, in China, 
N.'s, lxiv-vii, lxxv, 171-2; Jesuits', 
xxxix-xlv; friars', xlv-ix; special 
problems involved in, xxxviii ; Jesuit 
conferences on, 419, 427 ; books, 178, 
186; propaganda, lxxxvi, 6; native 
clergy, 427 

— in Philippines, 79 n 

Monomotapa, Prince of, see Michael 

Montdevergue, Marquis de, French 
ship's commander, 345 n 

Monte de Plata, in Santo Domingo, 

Montecorvino, John of, OFM, in 
China, xlviii 

'moon, rescuing the', ceremony, 187-8 

Moors, term defined, 299 

Morales, Diego, SJ, lviii, cvi, 171, 427 

Morales, Juan Bautista de, OP: bio- 
graphy of, 21 n ; N. on, 21 ; arrives in 
China, lix; studies Chinese Rites, 
lx-lxiii ; appeals vainly to Jesuits for 
advice, lxxii; reports to Rome, xx, 
xxxviii, lxiii, lxxxv, 21-2, 234; re- 
buked by Ingoli, lxxxvii; obtains 
papal decree (1645), 21, 58, 124 n; 
enlists volunteers for missions, xx; 
reports on his volunteers, 44 n ; re- 
turns to China, 58 ; succeeded by N., 
349 n ; on the Jesuits, lvi, lxxvi 

mosquitoes, in México, 28, 33-4 

mourning customs, in Célebes, 107, 1 1 8 

Muhammad Beg, Governor of Masuli- 
patam district, intervenes in Macara 
affair, xxv, 324 

Muhammad Mu'azzam, Sháh 'Álam, 
later Bahádur Sháh, 329 n 

Mundy, Peter, on Li chi, 74 n 

Muscat, lost by the Portuguese, 265 

musk, in China, 229 

mussoolas, at St Thomé, 295 n 

ñames, Chinese converts take Christian, 



Nanhoan, see Nauján 
Nanking, southern capital of China, 

Narai, King of Siam, receives Losada, 

nationalism, among missionaries, 
xxxiii, xxxviii, 1-lv, 242 

native clergy, 427 

Nauján, in Philippines, 79, 81, 87 

Navarre, French flagship, 352 

Navarrete, Domingo Fernández de 
Navarrete, OP ; Chínese ñame Min 
Ming-wo: sources of biography, 
xxvii; biography, xix-xxviii; char- 
acter, xxviii-xxxv ; nickname, 
xxxiii ; inquisitiveness, xxix ; lacking 
in humour, c; his conception of 
nobility, 69 ; explains frankness of his 
accusations, 10; his philosophy of 
history, lxxxvi, 275 ; accused of 
Jansenism, 372 n; not a Jansenist, 
lxxv ; rationalistic attitude to miracles, 
116, 162, and see miracles; obsessed 
by China, 379; devotion to the 
Mass, xxx, 112; forgetfulness when 
studying, 169; good memory, 35; 
not typical Iberian traveller, xxviii- 
ix, xxxv-vii; physical charac- 
teristics, xxx; grows beard, 182; 
health, sickness, medicines, xxii- 
üi, 25, 60, 75, 77, 86, 322, 370; 
afraid of thunder, 63 ; experiments 
with purge, 41 ; love of the sea, xxix ; 
sea-sickness, 24; never sea-sick, 374; 
health improves on involuntary diet, 
108; thinks he is dying, 63, 77; his 
body-lice disappear, 24-5 ; his social 
concern, 392-4, see also Indians, and 
Negroes, in Santo Domingo; his 
scientific interests, xciv, 42 ; military 
engineer of the Church Militant, 
lxxxvi; interest in language, xc; 
linguistic abilities, xxxi, xcii; learns 
Tagalog, Mandarin and colloquial 
Chínese, 6, 168-9; his ignorance of 
Chínese asserted by Jesuits, xcix; 
Jesuit tribute to his knowledge of 
Chínese, cxiv ; as a sinologist, xxxi ; 

his Chínese studies, xcii, 100, 168-9, 
182, 413; his Chínese catechism, 
190; popular with Macanese, xxxii, 
135; unusual attitude to non- 
Europeans, xxxv-vii, 18, 145, 
147-8; advócate of the Indians, 
xxxv-vii; nearly blown up in 
Manila Galleon, 45 ; nearly drowned 
in Philippines, 63-4; in priory 
struck by lightning, 63 ; steals food 
in Macassar, xxiii, 108 ; lives a week 
on bananas, no; ransoms two 
Indians and loses a Friday in Célebes, 
106, 109, iio-ii; praises Jesuit 
annual letters, Ixxxviii; evidence of 
impartiality towards Jesuits, lxxviii- 
lxxxiii ; baited by Jesuits in Cantón, 
c ; witnesses decline of Spain, lxxxvii, 
xcvii; preaches: at sea, 24, 126, 289; 
in México, 44; in the Philippines, 
77, 84, 89, 91, 94; in Macassar, 120; 
in Macao, 1 3 1, 1 3 3 ; in Chínese, 169 ; 
in India, 323 ; criticizes Spain and 
Spaniards, xxxi, xxxiv, lxxxvii, 
xcvii, and see Spain ; reports to Charles 
II, 399; eulogy of Manrique de Lara, 
69-74; compared to Jacques Le 
Favre, SJ, lvii, c ; Blair and Robert- 
son on, xciii; Pallu on, 425-9; 
Prévost on, xxxv, xxxvii; and 
Quesnay, ciii; and Verbiest, c; 
Voltaire on, xix 

and the Chínese Rites Contro- 

versy, xx-xxi, 1, lxxv, c, see also 
Chínese Rites Controversy; reasons 
for his appeal to Rome, lxiii ; mission 
technique, xlix; psychological in- 
sight into problems of the mission, 
lxvii ; attitude to Jesuits not inconsis- 
tent, lxxviii, see also Jesuits and N. ; 
vvrongly believes 'Riccistas' are about 
to change methods, lxxvii-viii; in- 
fluenced by Morales and Palafox, 
lxxvi; writes to Jesuit General, 
lxxviii; relies upon neo-Confucian 
commentators, lxiv ; attitude to classi- 
cal texts, lxiv-v; and syncretism, 
lxix; and Jesuits' disunity, lxvi-vii; 



and literati, lxvi; and 'Riccista' 
approach, lxvii; defended, civ 

his Tratados, lxxxiv-civ; con- 

tents, xix, lxxxv ; accuracy checked, 
xxv, 20 n, 40 n, 117 n, 433-4; auto- 
biographical portion of, xix, xxvii, 
xxix; only Spanish contribution to 
cbinoiserie vogue, xxxv; valué of, 
xix-xx, xciii, cxiv ; diary element in, 
xc-i, 337, 343; journalistic, xci-ii; 
purpose of, lxxxvi, 4, 396; political 
aim of, lxxxvii; compared to Jesuit 
Relations, lxxxviii; as a mission 
history, xciv; breaks Jesuit cultural 
monopoly of China, civ ; his desire 
to perpetúate in writing, 69, 99, 101 ; 
aware of need for propaganda for 
missions, lxxxvi ; his method of trans- 
lating, 170; translations of, cii; in 
England, cii, cxv-viii; in Spain, 
ciii-iv; consequences of, xcv; called 
politically subversive, xcvii; Jesuit 
criticisms of, xcv-c; Blair and 
Robertson on, xciii ; C. R. Boxer on, 
lxxxviii; Prévost on, xxxv, xxxvii; 
begun after the Controversias, lxxxiv 

his Controversias, xx, civ-x; 

planned before Tratados, 6; useful- 
ness, xx ; contents, cv-vi ; reason for 
tone of, 432; never published, cvi; 
denounced to the Inquisition, cvii- 
x ; read by Arnauld, ex ; rarity, cix ; 
projected title-page, 435-6; MS 
conclusión of ('Ends'), cx-xii; re- 
ferred to, 185, 210, 259 

his other writings : Ratificación, xx, 

xxviii, lxxxi; contents, exii; useful- 
ness, xx ; Relación de sancto Domingo, 
xx, xxviii, exii ; third volume, 437 

his style, lxxxiv, lxxxviii-xciv, 

cxvii-viü, 6-7, 8, 23, 337 n; re- 
buked for, xcii, xcvii ; impudence to 
readers, 8, 163 

negritos (Aetas) of Philippines, 57, 80, 
85, 148, 386 

negroes, in China, 138, 232 

in India, defended by Domini- 

cans, 336 n 

negroes, in Santo Domingo, N. and, 

xxxvii, 406-7 
Neknam Khan, Nawab of Golconda, 


Nestorians in China, lxviii 
Nickel, Goswin, Jesuit General, liii n 
Nicobar Island, N. at, 287 
Nithard, Everard, SJ, Cardinal, lxxvi, 

Noakes, chaplain at St Helena, 43 3-4 
Nobel, Constantine, meets N., 237 
noble peasants, in China, 173 
'noble savage', ci, 84 

obrada, term defined, 57 

Ocadiz, Martín de, 101 

Ochoa, Eugenio de, civ 

offal, Spanish eat on Saturdays, 347 n 

Olivares, Gaspar de Guzmán, Count- 

Duke of, 71 n 
Onerosa pastoralis, bull of Clement VIII, 

37i n 

Oquendo, Sebastián de, OP, 29 
oráng-laut, sea-sakies, 281 
Ormus, lost by Portuguese, 266 
ostriches in Macassar, 123 
Osuna, Duchess of, 369 
Ottoboni, Cardinal, and N., xxxi, 
257. 370, 372 

Pacheco, Feliciano, SJ, cv, 185 
Pacific sailing-times, 43 n, 390 
paddle-boats, experiments with, 341 
Padráo, Justa, story of, 301 
padroado and patronato, li, liii n, 372, 425 
'paintings', printed calicó cloth, 319 
p'aiwei ('spirit tablets'), 245 n 
Palafox y Mendoza, Juan de, lxxiv, 
lxxvi, xcvii, 67 n, 430 ; thinks Philip- 
pines are besieged, 44; and the 
University of México, 93 n; meets 
N., xxi, 29, 31; shows Morales's 
treatise to N., 427 ; and the Chínese 
Rites Controversy, xxi; writes to 
Philip IV, 29; dies, 32 
Pallu, Francois, Bishop of Heliopolis, 
xxxi, xci, 414, 415, 425-32 passim, 
and N., lxxvi, 346, 364 n, 426, 428^ 



431; arrested in Philippines, 430, 
432 n; accused of Jansenism, 372, 430 

palm toddy, 308, 318 

palm trees, in Philippines, 50, 75, 81, 
97-8, 307; in Macassar, 115; in 
Malacca, 283; in India, 308; and 
atheism, 98 n 

Palmeiro, André, SJ, 427 

Pampanga, revolt in, 54 

Pangasinam, in Philippines, 56, 91 

Papagayo, R., 34 

Papagayo, Lake, 44 

Parke, Sir Roben, xxxiv 

parrots, 117 

patache, 43 

patronato and padroado, li, liii n, 10 n, 

Paula, Francisco de, OP, 101 
pedrero, 107 n 

Peking, N. in, xxiv, 213-25; friars 
reach, lx 

Peña, Bonifaz, Governor of Manila, 

Peñafiel, Spain, N. joins OP in, xx; 
N. becomes Prior of OP friary in, 
xxvii; N. leaves stipends for his 
Réquiem to, xxviii 

Pepys, Samuel, on Spanish spectacles, 
xxx ; his notes compared with N.'s 
Tratados, xci; on poison of Macassar, 
121 n 

Peralta, José de, 407 

Pérez Navarro, Andrés, 101 

persecution of Christians in China 
(1664-70), xxiii, lxxvi, lxxvii; the 
need for it, lxxvii ; causes of, 256-9 ; 
Jesuits blamed for, 257-9; friars 
blamed for, 256; 'Riccistas' blamed 
for, lxxvii; foreshadowed, 174; 
accusations against missionaries, 246- 
9; accusations answered, 413; 
begins, 190; unites missionaries, 
lxxvii, Ixxviii ; missionaries, arrested, 
191, 192 ; effect on converts, 191 ; N. 
is afraid, 122; missionaries banished, 
222; Dominicans continué working 
during, 222, 242; 'miracles' re- 
poned during, 223 ; Buddhists in- 

volved, 223; imperial order (1669), 
239, -24°; the end of, 239, 376 

Persia, missionaries in, 331-2 

Philip II, King of Spain, 377, 384-5, 

Philip IV, King of Spain, lxxxvii, 53, 
265,273, 385 

Philippine Islands, N. in, 48-104; 
Tratados and, xciii; administration 
of, 388, 391, 393-4; annual subsidy 
necessary for, 389, 391; governors 
of, imponance of post, 74; decide 
their own salary, 394; decline of, 394; 
Bishop Pallu arrested in, 430, 432 n; 
agriculture in, 56; Chinese in, 61, 
68, 99-100, 142; churches, too many 
in, 393 ; coinage of, 294 ; earthquakes 
in, 86; engineers needed in, 298; 
Englishmen living in, 52 n; Jesuit- 
friar rivalry in, 52-3 n, 93-4 n; gold 
in, 93, 96; poverty of, 393—4 í sm p- 
building and, 91, 382 

Dominicans, Province of Holy 

Rosaryin, xxü ; severity of life in, xxii, 
14; accused, 56-7; N. sets out for, 
xx-xxii; N. appointed Notary 
Apostolic in, xxü; Procurator of, 
xxvi; N. serves in, xxi-iii, 48- 
104; leaves, xxiii; attempts to return 
to, xxiv 

Philipucci, Francesco Saverio, SJ, xcix 

pilot, ships', lessons taught by, 361 ; N. 
ready to play pan of, xxix, 333; 
Chinese, 111, 127; Dutch, 21, 295, 
335; Filipino, 48; Ponuguese, 46, 
279-80, 287, 288 ; Spanish, 1 1 1, 390 

Pimentel, Luis, SJ, xcix, 43 1-2 n 

Pius XII, on Chinese Rites, lxxii 

plantane trees, 50, 96, 283 

Plasencia, triáis in, 16 

play-days, fewin China, 151 

Poblete, Miguel Millán de, Arch- 
bishop, 67, 68 

Polanco, Juan, Ixxiv n ; death of, 181 

Polo, Marco, xciii, 218 

poltergeists, in Philippines, 88 

polygamy, in China, 207 n 

Portugal, gains independence from 


Spain (1640), 70, 72, 265, 368; 
Jesuits and, 273 ; the Fifth Monarchy, 
134 n 

Portuguese, their reputation in Asia, 
265-70; criticized, 125, 13 1-6 pas' 
sim, 303 ; N.'s opinions of, 242; N. 
sails with, 126; their narrowness, 
367; their obstinacy, 46; aid Jesuit 
missions to China, xlvü, 1, li 

— in Asia, lose Asian possessions, 
265-6; blame Spaniards for loss of 
Asian possessions, 267; scandalize 
Asians, 273 ; lose Ceylon to the 
Dutch, 124 

— in China, send an embassy (1667- 
1670), 234-45 passim; resent coming 
of Spanish friars, xlv, 384-5 

— in India, serve in Indian army, 
316, 329 n, 331 ; low moráis of, 301 ; 
live in St Thomé under English, 297 ; 
celébrate Ramadan, 133 n 

— in Macassar, 114, 122 

— in Malacca, 114 

Portuguese language, as lingua franca in 

Asia, xxxi, xcii, 114 n 
Portuguese-Spanish rivalry, 126, 369; 

Religious Orders and, 273, 368; in 

Asia, 1-lv, 384-5 
P'ra P'etraja, 378 
Pray, George, SJ, cvii, 424 
Presidente, term defined, 414 n 
Preusty, Ambroise de, OFMCap, 346, 

3 54.4^5 

Prévost d'Exiles, A. F., on N., xxxv, 

xxxvii ; edits Tratados, ciii 
Procurator of OP Philippines province, 

N. appointed, xxvi 
Propaganda Fide, Congregation of, 

lxxv, lxxxvii, 57, 234, 257, 374; N. 

submits Chinese books to, 370; N. 

deposits Longobardi's thesis in, xlv; 

and Pallu, 430; urges missionaries 

not to interfere with civic customs, 

xlviii, civ; its Vicars opposed in 

Asia, 372 
Puebla de los Angeles, 29, 31 

Quesnay and the Tratados, ciii 

Queyros, Fernáo, SJ, 275 n 
Quilon, port in Travancore, 334 
Quinnones (Quiñones), priest in 
Cavite, 66 

Raja Sinha II, of Ceylon, 292, 293, 294 
Ramírez, Bernardo, cúrate of Lubang, 
75 n 

Ramos, Tomás (Esteban), sea-captain, 

Ramos, Tomás, OP, 62 n 

Ransomers (Order of our Lady of 

Mercy), 400, 403, 406 
Raphael du Mans, friar, OFMCap, in 

Isfahan, 332 
rattan, Portuguese trade in, 263 
reading, Chinese love of, 15 1-2 
reformado, term defined, 70 n 
Regular clergy, or members of Religious 

Orders, xxxvii, 67 n ; see also secular 


Residencia, Governors' trial, 69 n 

Retana, W. E., on N., lxxxv 

Reis, Manoel dos, SJ, Procurator in 
Macao, 253, 267 

Rhodes, Alexandre de, SJ, 1 32 n, 282 n 

Ricci, Matteo, SJ, one of the giants of 
the mission, lvi, lvii; arrives in 
China, xxxix; mission policy, 
xxxix-xliii, lxiv, lxxvii; aided by 
Confucian 'Reformation', lxi ; on the 
religious beliefs of China, lxiv; said 
to be reviving ancient Chinese be- 
liefs, 248 n ; his interpretation of the 
Chinese Rites, lxiii ; is more cautious 
than Martini in this, lxiii; aware of 
dangers of syncretism, 249 ; and the 
Jesus-religion, lxxi; and Yang 
Kuang-hsien, 247; and Vittorio 
Riccio, 10; Gouveia on, 257; criti- 
cized by Longobardi, lxv; Chinese 
converts propose his canonization, 
233; is 'patron-saint' of Chinese 
watchmakers, lxx ; see also 'Riccistas' 

Riccio, Vittorio, OP, xcii, 222, 389; 
on N. as sinologue, xxxi ; on Italians 
as opposed to Spanish as missionaries, 
liv ; arrives in the Philippines, 49 ; his 



history of the China mission, 
lxxxiv, 166 ; N. plans to edit, xxvi, 
9-10 ; plan abandoned, xxvii 
'Riccistas' (Jesuits who agreed with or 
developed Ricci's views in the Rites 
Controversy), xliii, xliv; see also 
'dissidents', Chínese Rites Contro- 
versy, Jesuits in China ; fundamental 
differences between them and the 
rest, xliii, xliv-v; both sides 
basically right in their views, lxv; 
have no possibility of agreement with 
'dissidents', lxv ; rely upon Confucian 
classical texts, lxiv; their difficulties 
increased by linguistic problems, 
lxv-vi; profit by neo-Confucian 
'Reformation', xli; their intellectual 
weapons, lxviii; understood in dif- 
ferent ways by literati and by un- 
educated, lxv-vi; their interpreta- 
tion safer from Chínese viewpoint, 
lxvi ; claim Judaic origins for ancient 
Chínese religión, lxvii-viii ; find link 
between Catholicism and ancient 
Chínese religious beliefs, lxiv-viii; 
dangers in their approach, lxvii- 
lxxi; later depart from Ricci's 
cautious beginnings, lxviii 

— N. blames them for persecution, 
lxxvii ; N. on dangers of their ap- 
proach, lxvii; are considered un- 
realistic by N., lxv; N. wrongly 
believes they are about to change 
their methods, lxxvii-viii; N. com- 
pared with, lxvii; N. declares they 
have no monopoly of knowledge, 417 

rice, in Philippines, 77, 92, 95 ; in 

China, 148-9, 159-61 
Rites Controversy, see Chinese Rites 

rivalry, Jesuit-Dominican, xxxviii, 1-li, 

lv-ix, lxxvi, lxxviii; Gage on, lv; 

effects upon Chinese, lvüi-ix; in 

Philippines, 52-3 n, 93-4 n, 432 n 

— Regular-secular, in Philippines, 
xxxvii, 67 n, 85; in Macassar, 114- 

— Spanish-Portuguese, in East, li-iv 

Riza Kuli, Nawab ofGolconda, 315 
Roboredo, Bartolomé, SJ, in Rites 

Controversy, lxiii, cvi, 9 n 
Roca, Francisco, priest of Nauján, 81 
Rodríguez, Joao, SJ ('The Interpreter'), 

dissents from Ricci's views, xliv 
Rodríguez, Simón, lxxxii 
Roguet, Ignace-Marin, on N., 429 
Román, Jerónimo, OSA, 213 n 
Rome, N. in., works in archives, 328; 

N. sightseeing in, 374; N. clashes 

with Portuguese Resident, 262, 372; 

and Persian embassy, 332 
Rome, reacts to Pallu's arrest, 430 
Romero, Cristóbal, sea-captain, 44, 45, 

49, 103 

rosary, Jesuits allegedly forbid, lviii 
Rougemont, Francois de, SJ, lxxvii, 

xcii, cii, cxi, 416, 422 ; praised by N., 

429; under arrest, 206; on the In- 

quisition, 345 
Rousselot de Surgy, and the Tratados, 


ruc, the, 352 

Sáenz, Juan, 36 
sago, N. steals, 108 
sailing-chariots in China, 212 n 
sailing times, Atlantic and Pacific, 19 n, 
43 n, 390 

St Helena, Island of, N. in, xxvi, xxxi, 
357-60 passim; life in, 433-4; theo- 
logical debate in, 358-9 

St James, see Santiago, town, and Fort 

St John Lateran, College in Philippines, 


St Mary, Antony of, James of, see Santa 
María, Antonio de, Diego de 

St Thomas, the Apostle, in India, 298- 
299 ; his shrine, 298-9, 300 

St Thomas, Portuguese coin in India, 

St Thomas University (Manila), see 

Santo Tomás 
St Thomé (Meliapor), 297-303 passim ; 

Jesuits at, 298 ; Franciscans at, 298 ; 

dispute over bishopric of, 303 



St Uncumber, Chínese type of, 162 n 
Salamanca, student riot in, 15 
Salcedo, Juan de, Governor of Manila, 

■279, 382, 390, 395 
Saldanha, Manuel de, Portuguese am- 

bassador to China, 234-5, 236, 245, 

252, 254, 256, 264, 272, 277 
Salí, Andrew, renegade Jesuit, lxxiv 
salt-water, English attempts to purify, 


Salvatierra, Conde de, Viceroy of 

México, 30, 43 
Samal, in Philippines, xxii 
Samaniego y Tuesta, Francisco, N. 

and, roí, 150 n 
Sambiasi, Francesco, SJ, lviii, 207 
sampan, defined, 75 n 
San Chiao (Three Sects: Confucian- 

ism, Buddhism, Taoism), xlii, lxix, 


San Diego, ship, 68, 90 

San Felipe, ship, 103 n 

San Francisco, ship, 103 n 

San Francisco Xavier, ship, 68 

San Gregorio, Antonio de, OFM, 

Bishop, 67 
San Gregorio, College in Valladolid, 

xx, xxxv, 15 
San Lorenzo, negro settlement founded 

by N. in Santo Domingo, 407 
San Lúcar de Barrameda, 19, 28 
San Pablo, friary in Valladolid, xx; 

apothecary of, in India, xxiv, 313 
San Pao, Buddhist Trinity, 162 
Santa Fé, 30 

Santa María, Antonio de, OFM, 209, 
225, 250, 258, 265, 413, 427; shows 
Longobardi's thesis to N., xlv, 417; 
proposes medical-missionaries for 
China, xlix; malees friends with 
Jesuit, lix; is kidnapped on Jesuit 
orders, lix; sees Schall preaching on 
Passion in Peking, lxi; replies to 
Yang Kuang-hsien's aecusations, 
246 ; dies in Cantón detention centre, 
244-5; N. his executor, 244-5; 
trouble over his funeral, 245 

Santa María, Diego de, OP, 99 

Santa Potenciana, church and institute, 

Santiago, town in Philippines, 85, 

Santiago, Order of, 62 

Santiago de los Caballeros, in Santo 
Domingo, 402-4 ; N. dies in, xxviii 

Santo Domingo (Hispaniola), N.'s re- 
port and statistics of, 399-410; N. 
Archbishop of, xxvii-viii, 432; N. 
advises Charles II on defences of, 
401-2, 410 n; N.'s relations with 
Jesuits in, lxxviii-lxxxiii ; N. cham- 
pions negroes and Canary Islanders in, 
xxxvii, 406-7; N.'s poverty in, lxxx ; 
clergy of, 408-9, 410 n; Cathedral of, 
400 n ; Religious in, 400 ; Domini- 
cans of, lxxxi-ii, 409; earthquakes 
in, 402; horse-killing a sport in, 
403 n ; hospitals in, 400 ; excellent 
land in, 408 ; poverty of residents of, 
403, 405 n 

Santo Tomás, University of, Manila, 
99, 101 ; N. and, xxii, 60, 89, 93 n; 
Palafox and, 93 n 

Santoro, J. B., 384 n 

Santoyo, priest in México, 34 

Saraos, Juan de, 62 

sardines, vanish from Manila Bay, 392 ; 

and return, 68 
Sarmiento, Christopher, visits Min- 

doro, 89 

Sarpetri (Sarpetro, San Pietro), 
Domenico Maria di, OP, dissident 
friar, cxiii, 198, 225, 415-21 passim 

sarsaparilla, in Philippines, 80 

Schall von Bell, Johann Adam, SJ, 
lvii, lxxxviii, 186, 191, 213, 216; at 
the fall of Peking, 221 ; aecusations 
against, lxxv, lxxvii, 190-1, 248 ; 
defended, 239; holds official post in 
China, 190 n; and expulsión of 
friars from China, lviii; preaches 
Passion in Peking, lxi ; Gouveia on, 
257; is a warning to the mission- 
aries, 332; is sentenced to death, 223 ; 
death, 225 

science, as a mission aid, used by Jesuits 



in China, xxxix, lxviii, lxxi; used 
by friars in Persia, 332 
scorpion-stings, cure for, 41-2 
sea, life at, xxxiii, 20-26, 44-8, 103-12, 
125-30, 279-96, 339-44» 353-65 
passim; its lessons, 362; N. plays the 
pilot, 333; blasphemy and gambling, 
21, 91, 103 n, 279, 288, 357; clan- 
destine freight, 20 ; constipation, 128- 
9; entertainments, 23, 41 n, 45, 128, 
280; priests to be consulted during 
difficulties, 105 n; provisions, 40, 41, 
43 ; religious practices during, 20-24 
passim, 45, 126, 280, 289, 343~4i 345. 
357, 360; storms, xxiii, xxv, 43, 46, 
89, 105, 127, 288, 295, 3 3 3, 342-4. 
363-4, 390; superstitions and, 103, 
357. 364 

Sebastianism, in Macao, 134; and 
the Jesuits, 275 n 

secular clergy, or priests not members of 
Religious Orders : denounced by N., 
xxxvii, 85 ; in Philippines, 84, 85 ; 
rivalry with Regulan in Philippines, 
xxxvii, 67 n ; in Macassar, 1 14-15 

self-help, Chinese examples of, 152 

Semedo, Alvaro, SJ, submits Jesuit 
case to Rome, lxii; receives decree 
(1645), 58; quoted, 190; takes 
Chinese to Europe, 128 ; his History 
of China, cii, cvi, 9 n 

Seville, N. in, 18 

Sháh Jahán, Mogul Emperor, 329 
Sháh-Sulaimán I, Sháh of Persia, 3 3 1 n, 

Shamanism, in China, xlii 
Shang k'o-hsi, 232, 238, 272 n 
Shang-ch'uan Island, 129 
Shang-hai (Zang Hai), 185 
Sbang'ti ('The Ruler Above'), xl, 247 
Shen Nung, legendary Emperor, 161 
Shih Huang-ti (Cin Xi Hoang), 209, 

shipbuilding, costs of, 43 ; in Philip- 
pines, 57, 68, 91, 382; and English 
in Asia, 382 
ships, loss of, affects Indians, 92 
Shivájl, Maratha leader, 3 17, 329 n, 

330, 337; his fleet, 3 39 ;attacksSurat, 

Shun-chih, the Emperor (Xun chi), 

157, 174. 215. 221 
Siam, 93, 383 

Silva, disputant over St Thomé 

bishopric, 300, 302-3 
Silva, Alvaro da, Captain General of 

Macao, 254 
Silva, Juan de, Philippine Governor, 


Siqueira, Emmanuel, Chinese Jesuit, 

Sixtus V, Pope, 371 

skunk, in México, 42 

snake-charmers, 320 

sodomy, Chinese addicted to, 148, 

229 n ; punishment for, 220 
Sola, Magino, SJ, 29, 51 n, 100 n, 393 n 
soldiers, behaviour of Chinese and 

Spanish compared, 145, 379-80; in 

Philippines, poor condition of, 393 ; 

unruly in Spain, 16-17 
Solor, 385 

'Sophy' of Persia, the, 331 n 
Sotomayor Orrato, Gerónimo, OP, 


Spain and Spaniards criticised, xxxi, 
xxxiv, lxxxvii, xcvii, 13, 15, 16-18, 
19-20, 22, 24, 98, 317. 369, 375. 
386-96, 403,405, 408, and passim; 
see also China and Spain compared 

Spain, decline of, witnessed by N., 
lxxxvii, xcvii; conditions in, on 
N.'s return, 369, 375-6; political 
lessons for, in Tratados, lxxxvii; her 
mission policy, li-v; her religious 
role, 27 

Spanish-Portuguese rivalry, 126, 369; 

Religious Orders and, 273, 368; in 

Asia, 1-lv, 3 84-5 
spectacles, Chinese make, 154 ; fashion- 

able among Iberians, xxx n 
spy, French, sent to México, 3 54-5 ; 432 n 
Stevens, Capt. John, translator, cxvi- 

storax, 383 

students, in China, 152 



subsidy, sent annually to Manila, 389, 

Su-chou (Zu Cheu), N. in, 206 
sugar in Philippines, 81, 95 
Surat, 332 

Surero, in Lisbon, 368 
suttee (widow-burning), 335 
Swally, N. in, xxv, 337, 338, 339 
syncretism, in Chínese religious 

thought, xxxviii, 249; danger of, 

lxix-xxi, xcix, 249 

Taal, Lake, in Philippines, 87 
Tabón, 107 n, 117 

Tagalog, N. learns, xxi; Chirino on, 

tamarine trees, 308 
Taoism, xlii 

tax system, in China, 158-9 

tea ceremony, 183 

teak, Portuguese trade in, 263 

Téllez, Ana, 62 

Tenara, N. visits, 310 

Tenasserim, in Burma, xci 

'Term question', xl, xliv, 246 

Témate, 61 

theatre, in China, 239 

T'ien, xl 

tigers, in China, 141, 179, 253 

Timor, 385 

Tindal, Mathew, 176 

Tissanier, Joseph, SJ, 427, 428, 43 1 

Tixtla, 34 

tobáceo, 98 

toddy, in Philippines, 81, 97; in India, 

3 1 1 ; as a purge, 318 
Tomassin, French captain, 352 
Tontoli, in Célebes, 105, 106 
Torre, Raphael de la, 116, 162 
Torrente, Stanislaus, 266, 273 
Torres y Rueda, Marcos de, 43 
tou fu (teu fu), bean-curd, 195, 243 
travel, easier in China than in Spain, 


travel literature, popularity of, cii 
travellers' tales, xciv, 77, 121 n; often 
disbelieved, xciii, ci; many are fan- 
tastic, 5, 13, 116, 281 ; yet often true, 

116, 117 n, 159, 378; N. avoid s 
these defeets, lxxxviii, 14, 117 n; N. 
criticizes, 13, 29; difficulty of writing 
for Europeans, xciii, 8, 91, 362-3 ; 
Bishop López on, xciii 
trees, timber, in México, 28, 36, 41 ; in 

Philippines, 81, 83, 95, 98 
Trigault, Nicolás, SJ, 9 n, 174, 245 
typhoons, in the China seas, 380-1 

ubi, in Philippines, 81 

Udong, in Angkor, 382 

Ugalde, Lorenzo, sea-captain, 68, 91 

'unshaven Chínese', 141, 142, 149 

Urban VIII, Pope, xlv, liii, lxxxviii, 

22, 371. 385 
Urbina, Juan de, Admiral, 20 
Utrera, Cipriano de, OFMCap, on 

N., lxxxiii 

Vaiaguana, in Santo Domingo, 405 

Valat, Jean, SJ, xliii, 77, 221, 244; 
praised by N., 429; shows Longo- 
bardi's thesis to friars, xlv; on the 
persecution, 258 ; writes to Pallu, 427 

Valenzuela, Ensign in México, 34-5 

Valera, Juan, and N., vii, civ; on 
Iberian travellers, xxviii 

Valle, Raimundo del, OP, 222, 373 

vándala, tax in Philippines, 54-5 

vara, defined, 3 3 3 n 

varo, (tree-cotton), 76 n 

Varo, Francisco, OP, lxxiv n, lxxxii, 
exiv, 222, 376 n, 432 n; N. meets in 
Fu-an, 149; his opinión of N., 413 ; 
keeps converts away from Europeans, 
175 n; arrested, 242 

veedor, term defined, 22 n 

Vélez, Juan, Bishop, 67 

Venegas, Manuel Estacio, 52, 54, 62-3 

Vera Cruz, N. in, 24, 28 

Verbiest, Ferdinand, SJ, xlvi n, xlvii n, 
lii, lvii, lxix n, lxxiii-lxxv, lxxvii n, 
lxxxii, 186, 224, 240, 421 ; sees mis- 
sion as a drama, xciv; misunder- 
stood by N., lxxviii; on N., 218 n, 
258 n; answers Tratados, xcix-c; in 



Macassar, 124 n; 'dcified', lxx; and 

the Jesus-religion, lxxi 
Verge, Jaime, OP, 222 
Vieira, Antonio de, SJ, lii n, lv, 237, 

368 n 

Vijayanagar, Hindú kingdom, 331 n 
Villanueva, terrorised by soldiery, 17 
Villarroel, Pedro de la Cuesta, 68, 90, 

vinegar, palm-tree, 81, 97 

volcano erupts, in Philippines, 91, 97 

Voltaire, on N., xix, 176 n; on Jesuit- 

friar rivalry, lix; on China, ci; on 

comets as omens, 224 
vultures in México, 41 

Wall, the Great, of China, 219-20 
Wan-li, Emperor of China, xlii, 221 
Wang Wi-niang (Boneca), Chínese in 

Macao, 1 3 3 
wax, in Philippines, 81, 92, 95 
Wén-ti, Emperor of China, 78 
Wesley, John, on Chínese, ci 
Westphalia, Treaty of, and Philippines, 


whales, off Acapulco, 42 

wheat, in Philippines, 95, 98 

wine, at sea, 19, 333; in China, 150; 

in Philippines, 81, 95 
Winter, Sir Edward, and N., xxxi, 

330; banishes Capuchins, 298 
women, in China, their modesty, 147, 

161, 165, 189, 201, 203, 217; hard 

workers, 155; divorced for talking, 

161 ; are near slaves, 161 
— in India, their modesty, 316 
woodpecker, in México, 42 

Xavier, St Francis, xxxiv, lviii, 129, 

yams, in Philippines, 81 

Yang Kuang-hsien, lxi, lxvii, 174, 240, 

246-9, 258, 271 
Yao, legendary Emperor of China, 208 
Yen Kuang, model Chínese, 208 

Zambales, in Philippines, 60, 386 
Zamboanga, in Philippines, 104 
Zapata, Alonso, 101 
Zárate, Pedro (Diego) de, 30 
Zeibo, in Santo Domingo, 405-6 



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JÜW. 15 

JUN 3 0